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6^Ty Of, 


East India Islands in James Bell's 

[From copy in Library 

i li'lj 11 

System of Geography (Glasgow, 1836) 

of Harvard University^ 



ISLANDS 1493-1898 

Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the 
Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of 
the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous 
Books and Manuscripts, showing the Political, Eco- 
nomic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of those 
Islands from their earliest relations with European 
Nations to the close of the Nineteenth Century 


Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and 

James Alexander Robertson, with historical intro- 
duction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord 
Bourne. With maps, portraits and other illustrations 

Volume LII— 1841-18^8 

The Arthur H. Clark Company 
Cleveland, Ohio 





Preface 13 

Documents of 1 841 -1898 

Internal political condition of the Phil- 
ippines. Sinibaldo de Mas; Madrid, 

1842 .29 

Matta's report. Juan Manuel de la Matta; 

Manila, February 25, 1843 . . .91 
The Philippines, i860- 1898: some comment 
and bibliographical notes. James A. Le- 
Roy; Durango, Mexico, 1907 . .112 
Events in Filipinas, 1 841 -1872. [Summar- 
ized from Montero y Vidal's Historia de 

Filipinas.^ 208 

Constitution of the Liga Filipina. Jose 

Rizal ; Tondo, July 3, 1892 . . . 217 
The friar memorial of 1898, Manuel Gu- 
tierrez, O.S.A., and others; Manila, 

April 21, 1898 227 

Bibliographical Data 287 

Appendix: Agriculture in Filipinas. Joseph 

Basco y Vargas, and others . . . 291 
Errata and addenda to VOLUMES I-LII . . 325 


Map of East India Islands, in James Bell's Sys- 
tem of Geography (Glasgow, 1836) , v, map 2 ; 
photographic facsimile from copy in Library 
of Harvard University . . Frontispiece 

Map of the Dolores or Garbanzos Islands (the 
Carolinas), 1731; photographic facsimile of 
original MS. map, drawn by Juan Antonio 
Cantova, SJ., in Archivo general de Indias, 
Sevilla 37 

Map of the Philippine and Mariana Islands; en- 
larged photographic facsimile of map in Let- 
tres edifiantes, xi (Paris, M. DCC. XV), p. 
74; from copy in Library of Harvard Univer- 
sity . 209 

Autograph signatures of Diego Luis San Vi- 
tores, S.J., and others; photographic facsimile 
from original MS. in Archivo general de In- 
dias, Sevilla 337 

Map of portion of the Palaos Islands, discovered 
1710 by expedition under Francisco Padilla; 
drawn by Jose Somera, chief pilot; photo- 
graphic facsimile of original MS. map in Ar- 
chivo general de Indias, Sevilla . . . 347 

Chart of the port of Sisiran, in the province of 
Camarines ; photographic facsimile from 


Arandia's Ordenanzas de marina (Manila, 
1757) between pp. 26-27; from copy in Li- 
brary of Congress 355 


In this final documentary volume of our series wc 
present matter which is planned to bring out the 
salient points of the highly important period from 
1 84 1 to 1898, a little more than the last half -century 
of the Spanish regime, together with such biblio- 
graphical aids as will enable students to find readily 
the best and most available sources for the history of 
that time. The first two documents (written respec- 
tively by a civil official and a military commander) 
furnish a reliable and intelligent survey, by eyewit- 
nesses, of political, economic, and social conditions 
in the islands in 1842-43; and thus supplement the 
similar relations (in VOL. Ll) dated fifteen year? 
earlier. The admirable paper by James A. LeRoj^ 
who is well known as the leading authority on Phil- 
ippine affairs, places before our readers a clear and 
orderly review of the last four decades of Spanish 
rule in Filipinas-with keen but impartial comments 
on conditions, events, and men therein ; and with full 
and well-selected bibliographical references to the 
best works on the subject. It gives us pleasure to pre- 
sent here the hitherto unpublished constitution of the 
Liga Filipina, from Rizal's own MS. draft; and the 
friar memorial of 1898 (a curiously mediaeval docu- 
ment for the end of the nineteenth century), which 


heretofore had appeared only in a limited Spanish 
edition and a partial and unsatisfactory English 
translation. To these documents is added an appen- 
dix on agricultural conditions in Filipinas, giving a 
view of these in 1784 and another in 1866; an outline 
of the projects, efforts, and achievements of the noted 
Economic Society of Manila; and bibliographical 
references for the use of the reader. Following is a 
synopsis of the above documents : 

Of exceeding interest and importance is the third 
volume of Mas's Informe, on the policy of the Span- 
ish government as regards internal afifairs in the 
Philippine Islands. Intended almost exclusively for 
the use of the government, but comparatively few 
copies were published, and hence the volume is of 
great rarity, and is not mentioned by most of the 
bibliographers. We know with certainty of four 
copies: two owned in the Philippines, one by the 
heirs of Clemente Zulueta, and the other by Epif anio 
de los Santos (our translation being made from a 
typewritten copy of the latter) ; one in the Peabody 
Institute, Baltimore, and one in the collection of the 
Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas, Barce- 
lona. Its chief value and importance lie in its treat- 
ment of various vital questions that had already 
begun to present themselves to some minds more or 
less clearly -the relation of the Filipino-Spaniards 
to those of the Peninsula; questions concerning the 
natives, Chinese mestizos, and Spaniards; separation 
from Spain; and lastly, the proposition to free the 
islands. The document, while containing many 
things that are general in nature, and which even 
appear childish and visionary, is in many other things 
clear-sighted, and shows deep and keen observation. 

1841-1898] PREFACE 1 5 

The first two volumes of Mas's work (which have 
been cited so frequently in this series) were written 
in order to form a suitable background to the third 
volume, ^nd thus lead to it naturally, by giving a 
resume in succinct form of the history, government, 
and social and economic conditions of the islands. 
Proceeding to his purpose, the author states that the 
intentions of Spain in regard to the colony may be 
one of three: perpetual possession; utter neglect; or 
emancipation. He treats only of the first and third. 
To ensure perpetual possession, there are three prin- 
ciples to be borne in mind and acted upon: the re- 
duction of the white population; the subordination 
of the natives ; and the general reform of the Spanish 
administration. The growth of the white population 
fosters the spirit of independence, for the Spaniards 
of the Philippines look upon the islands as their own 
country, and have no affection for Spain. Their only 
concern is to hold possession of the government posts, 
but they are lazy and ignorant. They are naturally 
disgruntled by the appointment of peninsular Span- 
iards to posts in the islands; for, since the promotions 
are limited, they cannot hope for the advancement 
that they believe is due them. Their discontent was 
seen in practical form in the insurrection instigated 
in 1822 because of the officials brought from Spain 
by Antonio Martinez; and there was evident dis- 
content because of the new contingent that appeared 
in 1825. There are more than one thousand Filipino- 
Spanish males in the Philippines, but only four hun- 
dred posts, and their hopes continually wane at the 
appearance of officials from Spain, although Spain 
has an evident right to send whom it will to the is- 
lands. To obviate the trouble, Mas suggests that only 


single men be sent to the islands from Spain to act as 
officials, and that they be required to return to the 
Peninsula after twenty years' service, with the option 
of returning in ten years. These men will probably 
marry Spanish women in the islands, and on their 
return to Spain will take their families with them, 
thus reducing the white population considerably. It 
is a mistake to send women to the colony, and a grave 
error to endeavor to increase the white population 
there. A plan is proposed for the further reduction 
of the white population by sending all males to Spain 
at the government expense, at the age of sixteen, 
where they shall be educated at the expense of the 
Manila treasury. The sending of the situado from 
Spain for the support of the islands was formerly a 
large factor in keeping the colony loyal, but since 
that has become unnecessary the one great check on 
the colony has disappeared. But separation now 
would mean that the whites would disappear in the 
mass of the natives, and would even become inferior 
to them. It is wrong to infer that the whites and the 
natives will work together, for there is a barrier be- 
tween them, and the recent outbreak in Tayabas can- 
not in any way be ascribed to the former. The salva- 
tion of the whites lies in agriculture, and great profits 
are to be acquired therein, although the Spaniards 
are loath to engage in such work. Their fields can 
be cultivated by Chinese labor, and by captured 
Moros, and contracts can be made, in addition, with 
individual Filipinos, under certain exemptions. Mas 
favors the system of indentured servants, for self-in- 
terest will dictate good treatment to them. To ensure 
native respect for the whites, the education of the 
former must be very restricted, and the colleges at 

1841-1898] PREFACE 17 

Manila be closed. Filipino soldiers shall not rise 
above the rank of private or corporal. Filipino secu- 
lar priests must be reduced in numbers, and must, in 
general, act only as the assistants of the regulars. 
Filipinos cannot maintain the dignity of the priestly 
office, and instead debauch it, as Mas proves by vari- 
ous letters. Religion is the mainstay of the islands, 
and the regular curas must be given as much power 
as possible, and officials must work in harmony with 
them. The friars must, however, live morally, ab- 
stain from trade, and not meddle in temporal affairs. 
Emancipation will be the ruin of the friars ; and, in 
order that they may conserve Spanish interests, all 
the curas must be Spaniards from Spain. Curas lose 
respect among the natives because they are compelled 
to collect the marriage and burial fees, and the gov- 
ernment should come to their aid by collecting these 
under the form of a specified tax. Above all, the 
whites must observe religious ceremonies, which they 
now almost utterly neglect. The laws of the Indias 
are executed too rigidly, and are too favorable to the 
natives. The latter are becoming arrogant and impu- 
dent, and will end by driving out the Spaniards. 
Mas would require a distinctive dress for the natives, 
the chiefs to be the only ones who may wear jackets. 
The priests have been guilty of destroying rank 
among them. Natives must salute all Spaniards and 
show great outward respect. The title of "Don" 
must be given them no longer, for this gives the idea 
of equality with the whites. All government officials 
must be given decent pay, and must be made to spend 
it liberally. Offices should not be given in order that 
their incumbents may amass money. Only Spaniards 
of good character should be allowed to go to the is- 


lands. If the treasury officials are decreased in num- 
ber and the collections farmed out, this work should 
be done by natives and mestizos, as this is an odious 
office, and engenders much ill-will. Race hatred 
must be developed between the Filipinos and Chinese 
mestizos as much as possible. The latter are the 
richer and more intelligent, and in case of emancipa- 
tion at this moment would soon gain the upper hand. 
They are hated by the natives. It is highly impor- 
tant to have a respectable and moral Spanish force in 
the islands, for should the native troops mutiny noth- 
ing can be done as matters now stand. Curas should 
have the power of intervention in the meetings of 
the principales, as this method will avoid conspiracy. 
Natives should not be taught how to cast artillery or 
make firearms and powder. Indeed, the powder fac- 
tory recently established should be suppressed, as the 
contract under which it was allowed is not advan- 
tageous, and better powder is manufactured in Mur- 
cia. Steam vessels are needed for quick communica- 
tion among the islands, and to repel Moro invasions, 
and suppress insurrections. Spanish should not be 
taught to the natives. Newspapers may be allowed, 
under proper censorship ; and curas should translate 
into the native dialect such articles as are important 
for the natives. A complete system of police is nec- 
essary. Trouble is to be expected from China, but it 
will be quite safe to allow the entrance of a certain 
number of Chinese laborers to work on the estates of 
the whites. They can be counted on in case of trouble 
with the natives, and in case they themselves revolt 
native hatred will soon finish them. It is advisable 
to watch the intercourse between foreigners living in 
the islands and the natives. A complete reform is 

1841-1898] PREFACE 19 

needed in the administration of the government, 
which, as now constituted, is honeycombed with lax- 
ity and graft. The laws of the Indias are confused 
and contradictory, as is proved by numerous citations. 
Government is too little centralized. Spanish states- 
men have been guilty of strange errors in regard to 
the Philippines, through their ignorance. Mas pro- 
poses a regency of three men, the president to be a 
Spanish grandee. The duties of this body are out- 
lined, which in general correspond to those of the 
governor-general and Audiencia. The plan contem- 
plates a Council of State ; and thorough judiciary re- 
forms, in order to render the judiciary independent 
of the government. The prestige of rank is to be ob- 
served, as this is a large factor in preserving the status 
quo. In the provinces, the provincial chiefs (who 
are to be sent from Spain) shall hold all the power, as 
at present. The treasury reforms suggested look to- 
ward a lessening of graft, and greater economy. In 
case the Spanish government decides to emancipate 
the Philippines, the exactly opposite course must be 
chosen to the one outlined so fully for their conserva- 
tion. Education and the arts must be encouraged, 
newspapers allowed with but a mild censorship, and 
the population must become amalgamated. To ef- 
fect the last, dowries should be paid to the women in 
all crossed marriages. Native assemblies should be 
established in order to train them in political matters. 
Mas favors emancipation. The islands have been a 
drag on Spain from the first, and, if a violent separa- 
tion comes, it will result in a further loss of life and 
treasure. It is interesting to note that he adds a plea 
for the greater humanitarianism of the emancipation 


Malta's report of 1843 in regard to the moral con- 
dition of the Philippines, and the reforms necessary 
in administrational and economic matters for the con- 
servation of the islands is of great practical value. 
The report was called forth by the sedition of Apoli- 
nario, the founder of the cofradia of San Jose, and 
the revolt in 1843 of a portion of the troops. It sets 
forth the loss of prestige by both the government and 
the regular clergy (once the prime support of Span- 
ish authority in the islands), and the confusion that is 
rife throughout Manila and the provinces, a state ap- 
proaching anarchy. Political factions, the troubles 
arising from the contradictory character of the na- 
tives, the demoralization in military circles, all de- 
mand radical reforms. A system of law taking into 
consideration the character of the natives is needed, as 
well as greater centralization in the government, with 
well defined powers granted to subordinate officials ; 
suppression of various religious educational institu- 
tions as breeders of discontent and trouble, and the 
establishment of commercial and other schools ; abo- 
lition of the residencia; and other legislative and eco- 
nomic measures. For the development of the is- 
lands capital is needed, but reform must precede in 
order that capital may be attracted. Agriculture is 
the main support of the islands, and must be devel- 
oped by the whites, mestizos, and Chinese, who will 
support the government, and thus offset the immense 
numbers of the natives. The report calls for extensive 
military reforms and the establishment of a good 
police system. Tagalog academies are proposed, so 
that Spanish officers may learn the native language. 
It is of great importance to conciliate both Peninsu- 
lars and Spaniards born in the Philippines, and to 

1841-1898] PREFACE 2 1 

show partiality to neither, in order that prosperity 
may reign. 

Mr. LeRoy's contribution to this volume consists 
of two parts: a general editorial comment on the 
modern era of the Philippines, and some biblio- 
graphical notes and further comments for the study of 
that period. The first shows the influences work- 
ing in and through the Philippines and the Filipinos, 
and is necessarily treated on broad lines, detail being 
scrupulously avoided. The second part is written in 
the same spirit, but in notes and titles gives the stu- 
dent full material for the study of the modern era. 
By the modern era, Mf. LeRoy means roughly the 
last half of the nineteenth century, but necessarily, in 
speaking of it, he has been compelled to go back to in- 
fluences beginning to be felt before that time. Very 
briefly he sketches the elements making for a broader 
life in economic and social and political lines ; the 
break-down of old ideas, whose longer continuance 
was untenable in material, intellectual, and reli- 
gious progress ; and the rise of the greater respect and 
self-consciousness of the Filipinos. In his biblio- 
graphical section, the author treats fairly and im- 
partially of the threefold development of the Fili- 
pinos and the Philippines: viz., the social ; the eco- 
nomic - under which are discussed general considera- 
tions, agriculture, land, etc., the Chinese, industries, 
commerce, internal trade, navigation, etc., and cur- 
rency- and the political, under which are discussed 
the Spanish administration and the Filipino propa- 
ganda and revolution. Under the first division of 
the latter are treated the administrative organism, the 
administration as actually working, taxation, legal 
and judicial matters, science and material resources. 


the Moros and pagan peoples ; and under the second, 
the religious question, the friar estates, the Filipino 
clergy and their cause, the revolt of 1872, reform and 
demands for more ^^ assimilation," the propagandists. 
Masonry, the Liga Filipina, etc., the Katipunan, the 
insurrection of 1896-97, the pact of Biak-na-bato 
and the question of independence. By its mass of 
comment and titles, this section fully supplements the 
first part, and presents to the student a comprehensive 
survey of Philippine life and development, that will 
be found the most useful material yet published for 
detailed study of the modern era. 

In ^* Events in Filipinas, 1 841 -1872," the attempt is 
made only to indicate general conditions in the is- 
lands, by citing very briefly some of the more impor- 
tant matters during that period in social, religious 
and economic lines. In addition to this, we have 
added a short bibliography, from which the student 
may gather abundant and accessible material for this 

Through the kindness of Sr. Epifanio de los San- 
tos we are enabled to present in full for the first time 
the constitution of the Liga Filipina (which was or- 
ganized by Rizal on July 3, 1892) from a copy made 
from the manuscript of Rizal. This constitution 
shows the Liga not to have been formed for the pur- 
pose of independence, but for mutual aid and protec- 
tion of its members, and the fostering of a more 
united spirit among Filipinos. Nowhere does it con- 
tain a word against the sovereignty of Spain or 
against religion. In it are declared the ends, form, 
duties of members and officials, rights of members 
and officials, the investment of funds, and general 
rules. The one exception that might be taken to the 

1841-1898] PREFACE 23 

constitution is that implicit and unquestioning obedi- 
ence to all superior commands is required from the 

As the last document proper in this series we pre- 
sent the Friar Memorial of April 21, 1898, which 
voices the protest of all the orders (Augustinians, 
Franciscans, Recollects, Dominicans, and Jesuits), 
but which was destined never to reach officially those 
for whom it was intended (the Spanish government, 
through the minister of the colonies), because of the 
appearance in Spanish waters of the American 
squadron, and the defeat of the Spanish fleet. It is 
fitting, however, to present this document in this se- 
ries, as it is a complete statement of the friars' stand- 
point, and especially as the last document of the 
series, as it marks the passing of the old Spanish 
regime. The beginning and ending alike express 
the loyalty of the orders to the Spanish government, 
and throughout the document is noted the expression 
of the patriotism of all the members of the orders as 
Spaniards. The memorial, as a whole, is a pro- 
test against the charges brought against the friars 
from both Spanish and Philippine sources ; against 
free-thought ; against Masonry and other secret so- 
cieties ; against the secularization of the orders, 
episcopal visitation, secularization of schools, and all 
the other demands of the separatists and insurgents. 
That the friars are the cause of the insurrection, they 
indignantly deny. They have ever done their duty, 
and have worked in the interests of religion and the 
Spanish fatherland. The insurgents, the filibusters, 
the separatists, of both Spain and the islands, have di- 
rected their whole cry against religion in order to veil 
their real purpose. The friars have borne all the 


vilification that has been directed against them pa- 
tiently, but they cannot for their own honor do so 
longer. They are proud of their record throughout 
the history of the islands, and are mindful that, as the 
only permanent peninsular social factor in the Phil- 
ippines, they have christianized the islands, have 
maintained peaceful relations therein, and have kept 
them for Spain. Only since the entrance of those 
imbued with the revolutionary free-thought, and of 
Freemasons, have the islands been disturbed - a period 
of about thirty years. The Katipunan society is 
nothing else than a society constructed on Masonic 
principles, and its rapid diffusion of late throughout 
many districts greatly complicates the problem and 
renders the remedy more difficult. Had the orders 
been silent in the face of the attempts of the Masons, 
of the filibusters, and of the insurgents, they would 
not have become an object of persecution ; but since 
they always stood out for the traditional religion and 
for Spain, the storm of abuse and ill-treatment has 
fallen upon them. They challenge their detractors 
and calumniators to prove charges that they have not 
fulfilled their duty, and those of personal immorality. 
They have not committed abuse in the taking of 
parochial fees; they are not hostile to education (in- 
deed, all the education of the islands has been estab- 
lished and fostered by them) ; they do not despise the 
educated natives, but, as is easily proved, are good 
friends with them. Most of the graduates from their 
institutions have remained loyal, and the same is gen- 
erally true of the wealthy classes. The real cause of 
the rebellion can be traced back to the government in 
allowing the entrance of free-thought into the islands 
and the dissemination of Masonic doctrines, which 

1841-1898] PREFACE 25 

have led to the lessening of respect for religion and 
for Spain; and, as this has come about, it has been 
natural for race hatred to spring up. The only way 
of obtaining peace is to strengthen the religious life 
of the islands, and to force out all the revolutionary 
forces of free-thought and Masonry. The mission 
of the friars must receive government support and re- 
spect, else it will be impossible for them longer to re- 
main in the islands. They do not desire temporal 
honors, or to take part in the civil affairs of govern- 
ment; they are even willing to relinquish the slight 
official intervention that they possess: but they must 
demand the honor due to religion which has always 
been theirs by right. They are governed in their ac- 
tions by the Syllabus errorum of Pius IX. The laws 
of the Indias, the actions of the sovereigns, the in- 
structions to Legazpi: all commit Spain to the main- 
tenance of friars in the Philippines, and to the greater 
interests of religion. Even earlier, the Siete Partidas 
of Alfonso the Wise command respect to ecclesias- 
tical persons. This respect, therefore, the friars de- 
mand, if they are longer to remain in the islands, and 
be the support of the government. This memorial is 
one by those who are fighting for life, and who see 
dimly ahead the fate that may overtake them. 

The subject of agriculture in the islands is briefly 
treated in an appendix, showing conditions in the is- 
lands in 1784 and 1866, as described by Governor 
Basco and the German traveler Jagor respectively; 
the aims and achievements of the Economic Society 
of Manila; and references to the more important 
writings on agriculture in the islands. All show how 
backward were the conditions of that industry, even 
to the end of the Spanish regime, although various 


efforts were made by Spain to institute reforms and 
promote the cultivation of the soil; but most of these 
were too superficial and partial to be successful - in- 
deed, they were continually hindered by the whole 
system of Spanish colonial administration and the de- 
ficiencies in the native character and training. 

In conclusion, the Editors desire to express their 
cordial thanks and acknowledgments for information, 
suggestions, and other assistance rendered by the 
many friends of this undertaking. The majority of 
these have been already mentioned in previous vol- 
umes, especially in annotations furnished by them; 
and the names of several more appear in the list of 
^^ Errata and addenda" (at the end of this volume) 
which is unavoidable in any series so extensive as 
this. Therein is contained much information which 
reached the Editors too late for insertion in its proper 
place, or was furnished by those whose personal 
knowledge enabled them to correct misstatements in 
works cited as authorities. The following persons 
may be mentioned as meriting special thanks for aid 
rendered to the Editors: Manuel de Yriarte, chief of 
Division of Archives, Manila; Epifanio de los San- 
tos, Malolos, Bulacan, Luzon ; T. H. Pardo de Ta- 
vera, of the Philippine Commission, Manila ; and 
Rev. Anthony Huonder, S.J., Luxembourg, Europe. 

The Editors 

June, 1907. 

DOCUMENTS OF 1841-1898 

Internal political condition of the Philippines. Sini- 
baldo de Mas; 1842. 

Matta's report. Juan Manuel de la Matta; Febru- 
ary 25, 1843. 

The Philippines, i860- 1898: some comment and 
bibliographical notes. James A. LeRoy; 1907. 

Events in Filipinas, 1841-1872. [Summarized from 
Montero y Vidal.] 

Constitution of the Liga Filipina. Jose Rizal ; July 
3, 1892. 

The friar memorial of 1898. Manuel Gutierrez, 
O.S.A., and others ; April 21, 1898. 

Sources: The first of these documents, the rare volume iii 
of Mas's Informe, is obtained from a typewritten copy furnished 
by Epifanio de los Santos from the printed original in his pos- 
session ; the second, from an unpublished MS. in the possession of 
T. H. Pardo de Tavera, who furnished to the Editors a type- 
written copy of it; the third is written especially for this series 
by James A. LeRoy; the fourth is summarized from volume 
iii of Montero y VidaFs Historta de Filipinas \ the fifth is ob- 
tained from a copy, furnished by E. de los Santos, of Rizal's 
original MS.; the sixth, from James A. LeRoy's copy of one of 
the printed originals, revised by a printed copy belonging to the 
Madrid edition. 

Translations: All these documents (outside of the third) 
are translated by James Alexander Robertson. 


Report on the condition of the Filipinas Islands in 
1842, Written by the author of the ^^Aristodemo/^ 
of the ^^Sistema musical de la lengua castellana'' etc,^ 
Volume III. Their internal political condition. 
Madrid, January, 1843. 

The twenty-four chapters which I have presented 

^ This is Sinibaldo de Mas, a noted Spanish traveler and diplo- 
mat. He was born at Barcelona, in 1809, and studied at Madrid, 
especially the classic languages, Arabic and other modern languages. 
In 1^34, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to the Orient, where 
he visited successively Constantinople, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Cal- 
cutta, the Arabian desert, and lastly Manila, where he lived for 
some months. After his return to the Peninsula, he was appointed 
Spanish minister plenipotentiary to China. Pardo de Tavera says 
of him {Biblioteca Filipina, p. 253) : " The work of Mas is highly 
interesting, only that, having sojourned a very short time in Fili- 
pinas, during which he was sick most of the time, he wrote his 
work by reference to others, and taking from the chronicles of the 
friars the elements necessary for the history and the races. He does 
not cite sources, and it is cleverly written, and passes with some 
persons as a classic work on Filipinas. . . . His vanity led him 
to suppress his name. . . ." Pardo de Tavera does not seem 
to know the third volume. Retana [who possessed a copy of the 
third volume (No. 2432 in his library, which was sold to the 
Compania general de tabacos de Filipinas), says in Bibliografia 
filipina, p. 524] : " This third and secret part has never been de- 
scribed. The author published very few copies of it because of the 
gravity of its contents. Sinibaldo de Mas, contrary to what those 
who know his Estado [i.e., the first two volumes] may imagine, 
pronounced in favor of preparation of independence for Filipinas." 


hitherto,^ have only been preliminary studies, in 
order that I might treat of the present matter; for 
it would be an ill thing to speak of the internal ad- 
ministration of the country, or of the line of policy 
that it is of advantage to adopt therein, without 
passing in review its anterior data, analyzing its 
elements, and forming an opinion of its resources. 

The laws of every state must have one object, and 
the wiser and more perfect they are, the better they 
fulfil their end. To discourse, then, on those laws 
which are advisable in Filipinas, one must take note 
of the intentions that the government may have in 
regard to the islands. These intentions will proba- 
bly be reduced to the following plans or principles. 

To conserve the colony forever, that is to say, with- 
out its separation being even thought of. 

To consider indifferently its loss or its conserva- 

In this third volume Mas precedes the text as follows: " Of this 
secret chapter, the last of the Informe sobre el estado de las Idas 
Filipinas en 1842, only some few copies have been printed for the 
ministers, gentlemen of the Council of the Government, and 
other persons influential in the affairs of the nation. Conse- 
quently, your Excellency is requested to keep it for your own use, 
without allowing it to circulate or permitting a copy to be made 
of ft." The copy belonging to the Peabody Institute Library be- 
longed to Javier de Burgos. See (in addition to Pardo de Tavera 
and Retana) Die, eneie, Hisp.-Amer,^ xii, p. 537. 

^ The first two volumes have separately-paged chapters as fol- 
lows : I. Origin of the inhabitants of Oceanica. Condition of the 
Filipinos at the arrival of the Spaniards. History of the Spanish 
domination in Filipinas from their discovery until our times. Con- 
tinuation of the last chapter. Population. Animals. Climate. 
Minerals. Topography. II. Languages. Vegetables. Agriculture. 
Interior commerce. Foreign commerce. Industry. Territorial 
division. Administration of government and the captaincy-general. 
Public instruction. Ecclesiastical condition. Administration of 
justice. Army. Navy. Direct and indirect taxes. External po- 
litical condition. Vol. i contains a chart showing the ancient 
alphabets of the Filipinos ; and vol. ii, a map of the archipelago. 


tion, and the fate of the Spaniards living in the 

To resolve upon emancipation, and prepare the 
colony for giving it freedom/ 

In regard to the second of these three fundamental 
policies, nothing occurs to me to say, except that it 
follows in everything, as hitherto. I shall treat, then, 
only of the first and last. 

In order to conserve the colony, it is necessary, in 
my opinion, to work with reference to the spirit of 
the following three principles, which I shall en- 
deavor successively to explain: ist. It is advisable 
to reduce the Spanish-Filipino* population to the 
least possible number. 2d. The people of color must 
voluntarily give respect and obedience to the whites. 
3rd. The general administration demands a complete 

I St. It is advisable to reduce the population, etc. 
In the epochs when the light of experience was lack- 

^ A note by Mas at this point discusses the other admissible plan, 
" namely, to cede the country to some foreign power." But the 
religious, the majority of the military and civil employes, and the 
Filipino-Spaniards would prefer independence to transfer, and 
the simple announcement of such transfer would lead to almost 
universal insurrection. The fatal results that ensued from the 
former English policy of sending convicts to their colonies declares 
against making the Philippines a penal colony. Another plan, 
namely, to send out Spanish emigrants from the Peninsula, is also 
not feasible, for Spain has no surplus population, and in fact 
needs a greater population. On the matter of penal colonies, For- 
rest {Voyage, p. 198) says, "The Spaniards at Manila transport 
convicts to Samboangan, as England did to America." In 1875-78, 
there was some discussion of the question as to whether Spain 
should establish penal colonies (like that of Botany Bay) in the 
Marianas Islands or in the Gulf of Guinea. 

* By this term, as well as by " Filipino Spaniards," as used in 
this document, are meant those of full Spanish blood born in the 
Philippines, or those who went to the Philippines in childhood. 


ing, it was believed that the most powerful means of 
assuring the possession of a colony was to increase 
the white race therein as much as possible ; and, as a 
school for this conviction, they preferred to send 
thither as employes those who had the most children, 
especially female. The Council of Indias ^ has, up 
to its last gasp, given proofs of this erroneous idea. 
But since then it has been seen that, in fleeing from 
Scylla, it has fallen into Charybdis ; for among this 
white population born in the country, there is formed 
a local interest opposed to that of the mother-country, 
which begins by creating a discontent, and ends by 
suggesting the desire for independence. [Although 
a Filipino-Spaniard calls himself a Spaniard, all his 
sympathies are in the Philippines, and Spain is only 
secondary in his thoughts. Generally the sons or 
grandsons of government employes, Filipino-Span- 
iards, receive but little education, are fond of playing 
the gentleman, are lazy and dissipated. Little in- 
clined to a professional or business career, they put 
all their efforts on securing a government post. As 
it is about one-half of the posts do belong to them, 
but since the best posts depend upon the favor of the 
Madrid ministers, the Filipino-Spaniards are con- 
stantly disappointed in the promotion which they be- 

^ The Consejo Supremo de Indias, which was established, ac- 
cording to the best authorities, in 151 1 by the great Ferdinand, 
was perfected by Carlos I, and was reformed by Felipe IL It was 
composed of a president, a number of togated ministers, and an 
indefinite number of counselors by brevet, and they all received the 
same consideration as did members of the Consejo de Castilla. 
This corporation, which had had so great influence in Spanish 
colonial matters, was suppressed by royal decree oi May 24, 
1834, ari^ iri its place was erected the Tribunal Supremo de 
Espafia e Indias, which was renamed Consejo de Estado in 1856. 
See Die. encic. Hisp,-Jmer., v, p. 827. 


lieve belongs to them by right. Consequently, there 
is much ill-will and complaint. Camba's pamphlet, ^ 
although chiefly written to prove that there was no 
disloyalty in the Philippines, yet noted the anger and 
consequent mutiny (June 2-3, 1823)^ because of the 
arrival of Governor J. Antonio Martinez (October, 
1822) with a large staff of Peninsular officials and 
sergeants; as well as the displeasure manifested in 
October, 1825, by the arrival of a new contingent of 
civil and military officers with Governor Mariano 
Ricafort. Still, it is not right to expect that, so long 
as Spain does not intend to abandon the Philippines, 
it should refrain from sending Peninsulars to fill the 
posts there or cease to exercise the appointing or re- 
moving power as it sees fit. If all the posts are re- 
served for the Filipino-Spaniards, it cannot be ex- 
pected that the islands will remain loyal to a country 
so distant from them. In fact, the Filipino-Span- 
iards, under existing circumstances, cannot receive 
greater consideration than at present. The natural 
and necessary preference for Peninsulars in the posts 
of the Philippines engenders the hatred of the Fili- 
pino-Spaniards toward them; but, on the other hand, 
this hatred has been greatly exaggerated by the 

^ The exact title of this work is as follows : Los diez y sets 
meses de mando superior de Filipinos, por el mariscal de campo D. 
Andres G. Camba (Cadiz, 1839). Pardo de Tavera {Bibl Fili- 
pina, p. 79) says of it: "This pamphlet is full of curious reve- 
lations and explanations relative to the command of this general, 
which was so filled with incidents. Retana {Bibliosrafia, p. 57) 
says that Camba was a democrat sui generis. The book is a long 
exposition of loi pages, to which are appended various documents 
(53 pages) on which the exposition is based. The copy of this 
pamphlet now in the Boston Public Library was formerly in the 
Retana collection. 

^ See account of this mutiny in vol. li, pp. 47, 48. 


Peninsulars, who are intolerant and contemptuous of 
the colonials. This contempt, Mas illustrates by two 
examples, of which he was an eyewitness. Such 
things, together with the contemptuous nickname 
given them by the Peninsulars, gives rise to much 
ill-will on the part of the Filipino-Spaniards, who 
declare that all the cause of the enmity between the 
two classes comes from the former. The real cause, 
however, of the hatred, is economic, and a matter of 
the posts. Each of the male Filipino-Spaniards is 
seeking a post, but since there are only four hundred 
posts of all kinds in the islands, while the Filipino- 
Spaniards number about one thousand, the trouble 
must be continuous and must even become exagger- 
ated, just so long as a remedy is not applied. Such 
a remedy would be for the government to refuse 
them any post in the army or other department of 
government service in the Philippines, although rec- 
ognizing them as Spaniards with full rights if they 
come to reside in the Peninsula. Mas proceeds to 
elaborate his plan for decreasing the white popula- 
tion of the Philippines. All Spaniards going from 
Europe to the Philippines before the age of fifteen 
or sixteen must be regarded as Filipino-Spaniards. 
It is proposed that only single men be sent to fill 
posts in the islands, and that they be compelled to 
return to the Peninsula after twenty years, with per- 
mission to return in ten if they so please. It will 
be natural for these men to marry Filipino-Spanish 
women, who with their children will accompany 
their husbands to the Peninsula at the end of the 
twenty years. Transportation should be at national 
expense. On a basis of three passages for each fam- 
ily, the cost would be only 450 pesos. Each twenty 


years, there would be one thousand two hundred re- 
turn passages to be paid. This would cost only 
27,000 pesos annually. In return, four hundred men 
would have to be sent to the islands each twenty 
years, or with allowance for deaths and other con- 
tingencies, five hundred. At 300 pesos apiece, this 
would cost annually 8,750 pesos ; and the total trans- 
portation expense would be only 35,750 pesos. Al- 
though transportation is not now paid by the gov- 
ernment, the strange mismanagement is practiced of 
sending married men with families, thus increasing 
the white population. On the basis that there are 
three thousand five hundred young Filipino-Span- 
iards in the islands (both male and female), and 
reckoning sixty years as the average life of the in- 
dividual, there would be fifty-eight and one-third 
individuals for each year of the sixty years, of whom 
one-half would be women (and hence eligible for 
marriage with the Peninsulars). All the males shall 
be taken to Spain at the end of the fifteenth or six- 
teenth year at national expense, and there educated 
at the expense of the Manila treasury in whatever 
profession they choose. These shall reside in the 
Peninsula thereafter, where they shall be given a 
post. Some few of the thirty or so of the males 
reaching the indicated age annually, will doubtless 
prefer to devote themselves to commerce or industry; 
hence at the most there will be only about twenty- 
five passages of young men to reckon on annually, 
which will be an inconsiderable expense. If this 
plan be carried out there will be few children to 
transport after sixteen years. European Spaniards, 
if prohibited from marrying native Filipino and 
mestizo women, will marry only Filipino-Spanish 


women. Hence, as they continue to retire to Spain, 
the white population will constantly decrease. There 
will not be a sufficiently large number of whites to 
become turbulent, and the domination of the Penin- 
sula over the islands will be ensured. This plan can 
be carried out at an annual expense of about 40,000 
pesos, a* d probably much less. This will really be 
a saving over present expenses, for retirement and 
widows' pensions cost more, the widow of an oidor 
receiving 18,000 reals vellon. Hence, the passive 
classes receive about 175,000 pesos annually. How- 
ever, Mas does not advocate that those receiving 
pensions at present be deprived of them or sent to 
Spain, as this would be unjust and cause discontent. 
In former years the quarrels and discontent did not 
lead to desire for independence. The population was 
not so great as now; also (and especially) since an 
annual situado was sent from the Peninsula to pay 
the government employes, and the latter thus de- 
pended on the Spanish treasury, they would have 
gained nothing by rebelling. This is the case at pres- 
ent in the Marianas Islands, where the officials are 
paid and supported from the money and food sent 
there, and the few whites there, consequently, have 
no desire for independence.] It will also be asked, 
in addition, whether, in case the Philippine colony 
separated at present, it would be possible for the 
white population to become masters of the country, 
or would there be a tendency for them, perhaps, to 
amalgamate with the colored population. The ob- 
servation is very just. The Filipino-Spaniards do 
not think of forming a body with the (Indian) na- 
tives, nor is it possible for them to desire it, for now 
they are the masters and in such an event they would 
















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become equals and even inferiors, since the vast mass 
of the natives would quickly reduce them to nullity 
in the matter of government, and in place of the 
privileges and exemptions from paying taxes, which 
they at present enjoy, they would more than once 
have to obey and humble themselves before the very 
one who now mops the ground that their foot 
touches. In the recent occurrence of Tayabas,^ when 
the first news of the insurrection arrived, I was at a 
gathering of several Spanish leaders, and they all 
believed, or at least suspected, that the whites of the 
country had compromised themselves in the matter. 
I maintained immediately, and obstinately, that they 
were mistaken in this, since however disloyal and in- 
temperate one may fancy the Filipino-Spaniards, it 
was impossible for me to believe that it would ever 
enter their heads to arouse and arm the natives. In 
fact, the true spirit of the movement was soon known, 
and it was seen that the Filipino-Spaniards were as 
alarmed at the result (if not more so) as were the 
Europeans. Their hopes and plans, then, can only 
be based on the persuasion that the natives and 
Chinese mestizos will continue quiet, and pay the 
tribute as at present, and that they will make their 
patrimony from the country, and share its posts. This 
idea is highly absurd, no doubt. Much less loved 
by the natives than the Europeans, without the sup- 
port of the friars (for even granting the case that 
those living in the country should remain, others 
would cease to go from the Peninsula), without cap- 
ital, in a weak minority for the subjugation of more 
than two hundred thousand rich, active, and intelli- 
gent mestizos, and three and one-half millions of 
® See post, pp. 92, 93, note 37. 


natives (who have already rebelled against the Span- 
iards themselves, in spite of the great prestige of the 
reenforcements that could be received from the other 
side of the seas) , and compelled by force of circum- 
stances to adopt a liberal and intelligent system with 
reference to these same natives, which would speedily 
make the latter more arrogant and exacting than at 
present, it is quite easy to see that the government 
of Filipinas, would within a very few years, fall into 
the hands of the Indian Filipinos, or, perhaps, into 
those of the Chinese mestizos, or of the two races 
mixed, and that the whites would become submissive 
to the people of color -if they were not despoiled of 
all their property, as having been usurped and with- 
out valid title, just as happened to the Turkish fam- 
ilies who had acquired possession in that land during 
the long rule of the Turks in Greece, in which, since 
the insurrection, not a single Mussulman has re- 
mained. It is clear, therefore, that this Spanish 
population, long established in the country, is the 
one that has most to lose. In case of an outbreak, 
the Europeans would return to Espana, where they 
would continue their professions and would find their 
kin. The Filipino-Spaniards, however, would have 
to change utterly, for they would lose everything, 
and would have to seek another country. These are 
obvious and important truths, and nevertheless, can 
we tax the individuals in question with being blind 
or stupid, when we see repeatedly in the history of 
popular revolts that a Bailly, a Danton, in fine, that 
the most clever and eminent men persuade them- 
selves that they are able to stop a revolution at the 
line which they trace, and do not suspect that they 
are going to be the victims of the masses who rise? 


For the white population that remains in the coun- 
try, and for all who are living there at present, agri- 
culture offers an abundant resource. Very fatal is 
the deep-rooted idea that Spaniards cannot prosper 
in it. [Mas cites several instances to prove that 
Spaniards can succeed in agriculture in the Philip- 
pines. He also cites the instances of the Ansaldos 
family as told by father Agustin de Santa Maria, 
who acquired great wealth from agriculture, and 
who moved to the Peninsula during the English in- 
vasion.] Reflection: Just as the two Ansaldos 
brothers, leaving the life of trade, which the Span- 
iards in the Indias generally follow, applied them- 
selves to the cultivation of the soil through their own 
efforts, lived many years, and succeeded in amassing 
a fixed and permanent capital, why could not the 
same be done by so many idle spongers who go about 
Manila with their white faces begging, deceiving, 
terrifying, exciting, and confounding all the inhab- 

The present superintendent of the islands, Don 
Juan M. de la Matta,^ whose opinion I greatly re- 
spect, because I truly believe that he is one of the 
few Spaniards who know the country, and that he 
has the capacity, honor, patriotism, and energy to do 
something good and solid there, wrote me in a letter 
now before me: '^It is necessary for the Spanish 
population to stick to agriculture, the only source 
capable of providing abundantly for their necessities, 
for which the profit from any other employ in the 
different careers of the state is indeed very insuf- 
ficient. I have already called the attention of the 
ministry of the treasury to this particular, showing 

^ See post, pp. 91-111, the report by Matta. 


that a wretched generation, and consequently, one 
dissolute and turbulent, is increasing daily, and that 
the government must prevent in time the fatal conse- 
quences, by inviting them to turn their attention to 
agriculture."^^ In fact, there are rich and extensive 
lands which have been abandoned, which ought to 
invite the attention of a Filipino-Spaniard more than 
the posts, for with an estate not only can he live in 
ease and independently, but he can also establish a 
rich patrimony for his descendants. Lands that now 
are worth little, or even nothing, will in time have a 
greater or less price by reason of the population of 
the territory and the perfection to which its cultiva- 
tion is carried. There is today in the charity hospital 
of Sidney an aged woman, whose husband owned a 
bit of land, which he sold thirty years back for three 
pounds sterling, and at this moment it is worth one- 
half million pesos f uertes. And this, only because of 
the rapid increase in population! In Filipinas itself, 
any one can be convinced of this manifest fact, which 
is a trivial truth among economists. In Laguna and 
other provinces, there are most fertile fields, aban- 
doned and at the disposal of the one who will take 
them; and in Bulacan and Tondo, whose soil is very 
inferior, all have owners and a value. In the en- 
virons of Malolos and Manila, land costs one thou- 

^^ In a long note at this point, Mas severely criticises Camba^s 
book, which he has already mentioned. He declares it lacking in 
knowledge of the Philippines, and says that it was written to 
prove that the Philippines are thoroughly loyal in every respect. 
Mas's own experience pointed to the existence of an independence 
party among the Spaniards of the colony. Mas condemns Camba's 
policy of giving posts to the natives ; as well as Camba's assertions 
of the immunity of the governor from removal at the will of the 
monarch. Camba is accused of a change of sentiment from that 
which he had during his first years of residence in the country. 


sand pesos fuertes per quinon. One hundred years 
ago, this same quinon could be bought for fifty." 

[The difficulty in attracting the whites to an agri- 
cultural life lies in the labor question. Mas does 
not consider advisable the system of the Dutch in 
Java,^^ and prescribed by certain laws of the Indies, of 
compelling the natives to work in estates at the estab- 
lished wage scale, "as the natives have been accus- 
tomed for three centuries to be humored and allowed 
freely to work or live in idleness according to their 
fancy." He proposes that the heavy tribute of the 
Chinese who cultivate the lands of the Spaniards be 
reduced to the small amount paid by the Chinese 
mestizos; also that negritos, Igorots, and captured 
Moro pirates be made to cultivate the fields for the 
Spaniards. He also recommends the plan of inden- 
turing the condemned criminals out to the culti- 
vators, as England did with its criminals, who were 
sent to America in former periods. This system Mas 
does not consider as unjust or inhumane, but quite 
the contrary, for the farmers, since their pocket book 
is touched, will be more considerate than the prison 
officials. He recommends the awarding of prizes 
for the cultivation of cacao and coffee; and "finally, 
the authorization of individual contracts, by means 
of which Filipinos may bind themselves to work on 

^^ Mas refers to the culture system practiced by the Dutch in 
the island of Java, 1 830-1 870. Clive Day {Policy and adminis- 
tration of the Dutch in Java, New York and London, 1904) com- 
pares it to the system of forced cultures established by Spain in 
the Philippines in 1780. In addition to the above book, see the 
following for the history of Dutch colonization in Java : J. W. B. 
Money's Java, or how to govern a colony (London, 1861) ; P. J. 
Veth's Java (Haarlem, 1896 -) ; Jules Leclercq's Un sejour dans 
Vile de Java (Paris, 1898) ; Wilhelm Kriiger's Das Zuckerrohr 
und seine Kultur (Magdeburg und Wien, 1899) ; and Pierre Gon- 
naud's La Colonisation hollandaise a Java (Paris, 1 905). 


the estate of a Spaniard for a certain number of 
years, as is done in the military service, such Span- 
iards then remaining subject until the termination of 
the contract. These persons, during said time, shall 
be exempt from service in the army, and exemption 
from polos and personal service may even be con- 
ceded to some (for instance, to one for each quinon 
of land)."] 

2d. People of color must voluntarily respect and 
obey the whites. In order to attain this object, it is 
necessary to maintain the former race in an intellec- 
tual and moral condition which will make of their 
numerical majority a political force less than that 
which resides in the second, just as a pile of straw 
in the balance weighs less than a gold nugget. The 
farmer or the goatherd does not read social contracts, 
or know more than what takes place in his own vil- 
lage. This is not the class of people who have over- 
thrown absolutism in Espana, but that class who are 
educated in the colleges, and who know the price of 
guarantees, and fight for them. We must not depart 
from this point of view, if we are to discuss the mat- 
ter sincerely. The making of liberals must be neces- 
sarily avoided, for in a colony the words liberal and 
insurgent are synonymous. The consequence of this 
idea will be to admit the principle that each step 
forward is a treading backward. It is necessary to 
circumscribe the education to primary schools where 
reading, writing, and arithmetic will be taught, con- 
tinuing as at present with one school in each village, 
and leaving their direction to the curas. The col- 
leges for males now existing in Manila must be 
closed.^^ In English India, whose educational insti- 

^^ A note at this point by Mas mentions a recent pamphlet by 


tutions and free government are of so much weight 
with some, there is nothing similar to this, and an 
Englishman who wishes to become a lawyer, a no- 
tary, a physician, or a military or civil official, has 
to go to England for study and graduation -I say 
Englishman, for the natives do not even enter into 
the question. 

In the service of arms, they must not rise beyond 
privates or at the most corporals. It is much better 
to make a sergeant or officer from a Spanish farmer, 
even though he cannot read and write, than from the 
more capable native. On the contrary, the more dex- 
terous and deserving is the latter, so much greater 
will be the mistake committed. Here the one who 
plays for gain loses. It is less dangerous and more 
tolerable to bestow the rank of officer on a very 
stupid, vicious, and cowardly fellow. 

It is necessary to provide that a Spanish cura be 
placed in each village, and it is preferable to leave 
a village without a minister rather than to place it 
in charge of a Filipino secular priest. Between Fili- 
pinas and Espaiia there is no other bond of union 
than the Christian religion. This bond is very pow- 
erful, and may induce the islanders to love and to 
defend the Spanish domination as a duty. In no 
place better than in Espafia is it known of what the 
religious influence on the masses is capable, even in 
violation of their most direct interests. To imagine 
that the natives will become fond of our government 
because they judge it good or the best possible, I 

a Cuban who advocates complete autonomy for the colonies, and 
freedom of the press. This author says that long before the French 
revolution free negroes and mulattoes were being educated in 
Paris; but Mas says people of that class in Cuba do not travel in 
foreign countries or receive an education in European colleges. 


believe a vain project. Their ignorance regarding 
the condition of other peoples does not permit of 
their entering into such comparisons ; and those who 
might be capable of doing it, will discuss political 
matters; and, however excellent such men consider 
our domination, they would always think that it 
would be more advantageous for them to withdraw 
from the yoke and seize the scepter in their own 
hands, and pass by this method from their humble 
condition of vassals and subjugated to that of masters 
and mandarins. Therefore, just as the community 
is sustained by virtue and the monarchy by fidelity, 
this colony, in my opinion, must be maintained by 
religion. Starting from this beginning, nothing can 
become so direct an agent for promoting emancipa- 
tion, as the ordaining of priests among the natives.'^ 
Some persons observe that they are unfit and vicious, 
and consequently, do not infuse respect, exercise in- 
fluence, or cause fear. More, if a Filipino secular 
priest lives in a state of intoxication, and even com- 
mits, as has indeed happened, atrocious crimes which 
lead him to the scaffold, he does not for this cease 
to be a priest; and thus he degrades the class to 
which he belongs, and undermines the prestige of 

^^ Mas cites a passage from Captain Gabriel Lafond's Quinze 
ans de voyages autour du monde (1840) to the effect that the Phil- 
ippine conquest was one of religion. The power of the friars 
grows because they are permanent in the colony. Their influence 
over the natives is all powerful, and they regard foreigners and 
even other Spaniards with suspicion. The friars asserted that the 
natives to be happy had no need of European civilization ; yet they 
prevented progress by not allowing the entrance of industry. Spain 
did not suppress the orders in the Philippines, fearing lest it lead to 
independence. The native priests are those most hostile to the 
friars. They are almost without education and often dissolute ; and 
are sure to be the first authors of a revolution. Natives should be 
excluded from the priesthood. 


sanctity surrounding the character of a religious 
man. And this idea, namely, that because they are 
Filipinos, they cannot have any influence, has been 
destroyed by merely the recent insurrection in Taya- 
bas, where a lay-brother, a young fellow, without any 
personal or antecedent quality that could make him 
respected, was able, by means of a religious matter- 
without the printed copies of the admonition of the 
archbishop of Manila, or the Spanish friars of the 
neighboring territory, being able to prevent it -to 
cause a settlement to mutiny and to arm a crowd of 
three or four thousand men, even to the point of 
firing upon their own pastors, who only saved them- 
selves by means of flight; to kill the governor of the 
province; and attack the national troops. And so 
that my opinion in regard to this matter is, and has 
been, that of many others who studied the country, 
I shall copy a few extracts illustrative of the matter.^* 

^* The insurrection which occurred recently in Tayabas is a 
patent proof of these truths. The cura of the village where the 
confraternity of San Jose was established, advised the alcalde of 
the province in time of the suspicions with which it infused him. 
And since the alcalde-mayor refused to consider the matter, he 
wrote him : " You will be the first victim, " as in truth he was. 
The cura of the next village also took great interest in it, and so 
many letters were written to the archbishop of Manila from va- 
rious places, that the latter sent an official communication to the 
captain-general. Orders were then issued for the arrest of Apoli- 
nario de Santa Cruz, but he fled. The brothers [of the confra- 
ternity] held their meetings in the village of Mahahay. The cura 
informed the archbishop thereof, telling him that, notwithstanding 
all that he had done, he had been unable to dissuade them from 
this undertaking. The archbishop sent this advice to the govern- 
ment. To the curas, then, was due the discovery of that crafty 
conspiracy; and it is almost beyond the pale of doubt that if there 
had been no others than Filipino parish priests in the villages (as 
has been once ordered by the government), there would not have 
been the slightest suspicion of it, until it had been so firmly and 
generally organized that our ruin would have been the work of a 
week. (Note by Mas.) 


[Mas's first extract is from a communication to 
the king from Governor Aguilar, dated November 
25, 1804. I^ ^his letter, Aguilar characterizes the 
native secular priests as lazy and dissolute. He cites 
a recent example of a village, evidently previously in 
charge of the native seculars, where a Recollect 
priest has been placed in charge, and where in conse- 
quence the church has been completed and order 
preserved. Although there are some good native 
priests, they do not infuse the respect that the regu- 
lars do, for the latter are never intimate with their 
parishioners, while the native priests, on the other 
hand, live on an intimate footing with them, and 
enter into every detail of their lives. Consequently, 
the regulars can manage the natives better than the 
native secular priests. Again the religious have no 
ties, and hence their only care is their church and 
their duty. The native seculars are burdened with 
relatives, who even live in the curacies with them, 
and hence, they neglect their churches which soon 
fall into ruin. It would be bad indeed for the islands 
if the bishops were to transfer the curacies to the 
native seculars. That might be done when there are 
Spanish secular priasts who possess the right quali- 
ties, but to transfer them to the natives would be com- 
mitting a great wrong. If all the villages in charge 
of native secular priests had friar curas, they would 
be in a much better condition. In Negros, which is 
in charge of the native seculars, nothing is done, a 
ruinous condition prevails, and the villages are great- 
ly depopulated. If the matter were left to him, he 
would not allow a single native secular priest to have 
charge of a village. They might profitably be used 
as assistants to the regulars.] 


[The second letter is one from the Manila Ayunta- 
miento, dated July 12, 1804. This letter is highly 
laudatory of the friars, who spare no pains to fulfil 
their duties. The native secular priests however, are 
only in few instances found efficient, and are in gen- 
eral only fit to act as assistants to the friar curas. The 
Filipinos with their weak intellects, seem unfitted 
for the office of priest, by reason of their lack of 
constancy. They have not the education requisite for 
the office of priest, for the conciliar seminaries are 
little more than a name in which a few native secular 
priests, themselves without sufficient education, at- 
tempt to teach. The regulars subjected to the royal 
patronage would be much better than any native 
seculars. After Mindoro was transferred from the 
Recollects to the native seculars, the missions quickly 
declined, churches were ruined, Moro raids in- 
creased, and the tribute of the villages fell off. In 
consequence, the government now wishes to replace 
the native clergy by the Recollects. The regulars 
also further the temporal affairs, and have done nota- 
ble things in agriculture. The Ayuntamiento hopes 
that the complaints against the regulars will be dis- 
regarded, "for although there are some defects 
which they may have, they are always useful to re- 
ligion and the state."] 

[The third citation is from San Agustin's famous 
letter on the character of the natives.^^] 

Taking the Christian religion as the foundation 

^^ Either Mas has simply indicated the letter in his heading, or 
the person who transcribed the copy from which we translate failed 
to copy the extract in question. It will be remembered that Mas 
published most of the letter in his vol. i, in the chapter on popu- 
lation. The reference is evidently to sections 95-100 {q.v.y vol. 
XL, pp. 270-277). 


Upon which our domination is sustained, it is evident 
that everything that contributes to destroy the re- 
ligious spirit, destroys and undermines this founda- 
tion. Under this idea nothing can have more direct 
harm than the degradation and corruption of the min- 
ister of divine worship, and experience has demon- 
strated this truth. For just as the first sectarians of 
Jesus Christ extended his religion rapidly by means 
of the enthusiasm which took possession of their 
minds, and by means of the martyrdoms which they 
suffered, so also, in all places where the priests have 
given themselves to effeminacy, to feasting, to ambi- 
tion, and to vices, the belief of the peoples has dimin- 
ished from that moment, and they have ended by 
falling into religious indifference. The government 
ought, then, to consider the clergy as a power; and 
just as great care is taken not to introduce insubordi- 
nation and demoralization into an army, so also the 
government ought to watch over the conduct of the 
curas. Let them have all the influence possible over 
the village, but let them always be Spanish Euro- 
peans, and allow them to feel no other interest than 
Espana. This is the vital question. If the matter 
be considered under this point of view, one cannot 
exaggerate the harm that a goodly portion of the 
friars are doing, and the moral force that our gov- 
ernment is losing because of the manner in which 
they are living. The most general weakness is that 
of concubinage. Many keep a mistress (who is there 
called a stewardess [despensera])^ inside or outside 
the convent. The convent in Filipinas has no clois- 
ter, as it is a parochial house. And this fault, if one 
considers the climate of the country, the circum- 
stances, and the ideas of the natives, is, to say truth, 
the most excusable and the least harmful. 


The most pernicious and transcendental fault into 
which many curas have fallen especially for some 
time back- a fault ten times more harmful than the 
one to which we have referred -is that of avarice, 
fed by the practice of trading. It is well known that 
the mode of trading in that country usually consists 
in usury, that is, in advancing money in order later 
to receive products in kind at a very low price. And 
even leaving aside this aspect of the matter, it hap- 
pens, as is natural, that the minister, as soon as he 
has become a speculator, contrives to get some profit 
from his position, and from the influence which his 
ministry and the policy indispensable in that country 
give him, and thinks little or nothing of the means 
so long as they conduce to the increase of his capital. 
Sometimes this vice is united with the first, and the 
stewardess or her husband -who is generally one of 
the servants of the convent, whom the friar has mar- 
ried to her, in order to save appearances - is charged 
with the gathering, magazines, shops, sales, etc. But 
it must be confessed that the government has had a 
great part in this corruption, by protecting the re- 
ligious against their superiors. Two left during the 
term of General Lardizabal, taking a large amount 
with them. When the Augustinian provincial. Fa- 
ther Grijalvo, went with his secretary. Father Fausto 
Lopez, to see him [/.^., Lardizabal] about one of 
them (Father Jarava)^^ who wished to go away with 
his money, and said provincial asserted to him that 

^^ Manuel Grijalbo (sic)y O.S.A., went to the Philippines in 
1 8 10, and after acting as cura and holding the highest positions in 
the province, was appointed bishop of Nueva Caceres, being conse- 
crated Jan. 28, 1849. He died at the episcopal palace, Nov. 13, 

Fausto Lopez, O.S.A., was born in 181 1, took his vows at Val- 
ladolid in 1828, and went to the Philippines in 1829. He was lo- 


this was a very bad example, as there were many 
who would devote their energies to making money, 
and then leave, although religious are so necessary 
in these islands, the said general answered him : " Do 
not believe it. You are not so necessary. You are 
deceived in this. The English government in India 
has no friars, and yet that country is sustained and 
prospers." Nevertheless, in Singapor, he [i.e.. Fa- 
ther Jarava] boasted in conversation with the good 
Bishop Courvery (as the latter mentioned to me) of 
the gold which he carried; and told him of the pres- 
ents which he had had to bestow in Manila in order 
to obtain his passport, especially to the assessor of 
the government. The most illustrious bishop wrote 
that to that capital, and on learning it, the guileless 
general Lardizabal was angry enough to tear his 
hair, as was mentioned by the secretary of the gov- 
ernment, Cambronero.^^ In 1840 they went to in- 
form the alcalde-mayor of a province that all those 
who went away with indigo, unless provided with 
a pass by the cura, were detained in the bantayan (a 
kind of sentry-box) of a village in his jurisdiction. 

cated in Cebii until 1837, when he became provincial secretary. 
Afterwards he held several offices and acted as cura until his death 
at Manila, April 17, 1866. 

Manuel Jarava, O.S.A., vras born at Zaragoza in 1804 and 
professed at Valladolid in 1827. He was in the Philippines from 
1829 to 1834, returning in the latter year to Spain. The date of 
his death is unknown. 

See Perez's Catdlogo, 

^^ Manuel Maria Cambronero was a Spanish jurisconsult. He 
was born in Orihuela in 1765 and died in 1834. During the 
French invasion, he acted as secretary of the Council of State, on 
account of which he was compelled to leave the country when the 
French left. He later returned to Madrid, where he opened a 
buffet, which was the most celebrated one of his time. See Die, 
encic. Hisp.-Jmer., iv, p. 330. 


The alcalde ordered the matter to be investigated, 
and found it to be so; and some passes were brought 
to him, which stated little more or less than " permit 
So-and-so to pass with so many quintals of indigo." 
The reason for this was that the cura had advanced 
money to them, and feared that if they carried away 
the indigo and sold it, it would afterward be impos- 
sible to collect the money. The alcalde ordered a 
verbal process to be formulated, in which two friars 
and two secular priests made their depositions in the 
most effective terms against the cura in question. 
[The alcalde-mayor wrote to the vicar of the prov- 
ince, who answered him under date of Batac, July 
25, 1840, to the effect that the freedom given by the 
government to the friars, who had been relieved of 
obedience to their prelates, accounted for this. The 
government and the ideas of the present time were 
to blame, consequently, not the friar prelates. The 
friar of whom the alcalde-mayor and the vicar wrote 
boasted that when he was attacked on the one side 
he took refuge in the jurisdiction of the other. Al- 
though he boasted that he intended to take his 40,000 
pesos and enjoy life with a female companion, yet 
he obtained governmental permission to remain in 
his curacy.] The curas generally suffer from an- 
other defect, namely, that of meddling in temporal 
matters, or rather, of endeavoring to abrogate all 
jurisdictions, and then assume these in themselves. 
It is evident that there must be a limit to everything, 
and that those friars who display an insolent spirit 
and are usurpers of command must restrain them- 
selves within limits. But this evil is one of the least, 
if our chief and vital object be considered to be the 
conservation of the state. Is it or not a fact that. 


for Espana to maintain this colony under its domin- 
ion, it needs the influence of the religious over the 
inhabitants? If it is a fact, one must consider these 
persons as instruments ; their influence must be posi- 
tive ; the alcaldes and other employes must be wheels 
of the machine, who must be in communication with 
them, and to a certain point move at their impulse. 
So long as the villages obey the voice of the friars, 
the islands will be Spanish, for the friars can do no 
less than be so. Emancipation would inevitably 
cause their ruin. This will appear hard and unen- 
durable to many who are not friends of theoretic 
intervention, especially among the present military 
and civil officers of Filipinas; but I understand it 
in this way, and do not see by what other agency a 
handful of Spaniards can, at six thousand leguas' 
distance, and without Spanish troops, keep obedient 
a vast and wealthy country, which has need of us 
for nothing, in which there are not a few elements 
of independence, and which is coveted by many for- 
eign nations. 

And if all this is a fact, we can do no less than 
lament the unjustifiable imprudence of having 
printed in the ordinances of good government now 
in force, which were printed and distributed 
throughout the whole country, the following: 

[Here follow ordinances 17, 18, 24, 30, 31, 85, 87, 
89, 91 and 92 (some only in part), for a synopsis of 
which see VOL. L, pp. 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, and 256- 
261. Mas continues:] 

In no part did the animosity with which these 
ordinances were written appear so much as in these 
last two articles, for they treat of the construction of 
convents, churches, and royal houses ; and since none 


of these edifices can be erected without the instruc- 
tions of a special measure and by authorization, it 
follows that the government is dictating provisions 
to itself, and consequently, it was quite useless to 
insert them in a public law; and although it was in- 
tended that they should contain the expression of the 
royal will, the latter would always have been suffi- 
cient provided that action were taken in the proper 
bureau. Moreover, what ordinance 91 says about 
the possibility of the sumptuous convents being used 
as a shelter by the enemy, as was experienced in the 
war with the English, seems to me to be lacking in 
common sense. For if they are susceptible of being 
used as fortresses, they will be an advantage to those 
possessing them, who may, if they wish, burn them 
when they have to abandon them. In the same cate- 
gory are all the strongholds. For example, in the 
war with the English above mentioned, the latter 
captured Manila, and immediately made use of the 
forts to protect themselves from Anda's troops. Con- 
sequently, according to the argument, the fortifica- 
tions of Manila ought to be demolished. If the 
enemy defend themselves in the convents, it will be 
because they have to flee from us, and then we can 
desire nothing better than that they shut themselves 
up, so that we may surround them and take them 
prisoners. If the Spaniards are in such a condition 
that they look upon the convent as a refuge, they 
can, since they are in their own country, get aid at 
any moment. A large and beautiful church, in the 
midst of a village of bamboo or board houses, con- 
tributes not a little to inspire a lofty idea of what is 
within it. All the sumptuous edifices of the ancients 
were temples. 


The utility of protecting the religious spirit hav- 
ing been admitted, the Spaniards of the province, 
v^ho in general give a contrary example, by not ful- 
filling their church duties, do great harm. This is 
so much more harmful, as they are in the sight of 
the entire village, which knows quite well the ac- 
tions of their most private life. Finding myself on 
the day of Corpus Christi at a place where a large 
procession and Church function were being made, 
not a single Spaniard of the several who were there, 
went to mass, including the governor of the prov- 
ince. For an alcalde not to go to mass, becomes so 
much the more scandalous, as it is the custom for the 
gobernadorcillo with all the community and past 
captains to go to get him at the royal house in order 
to accompany him as a matter of ceremony to the 

It happens on account of this that it is enough 
for them to give notice of a Spaniard to the cura so 
that the latter may have the cura told that he is not 
at home -a thing which contributes to destroy the 
prestige of our name and dominion. Surely, this, 
joined with other motives, has contributed to dimin- 
ish the spirit of devotion, especially for the last fif- 
teen or twenty years. This decrease is not imaginary. 
I have assured myself of it through several channels, 
among others, through a house that formerly traded 
in books of religion and prints. From this I deduce 
that our foundations are becoming weaker, and if 
they are not strengthened, it may be delayed more or 
less, but the edifice will fall. I opine then, that if 
the colony is to be conserved, it is absolutely neces- 
sary to take positive measures to check the exterior 
manifestations of irreligion; to cause the priests to 
appear under the most possible venerable point of 


view; and to endeavor to have their influence over 
the masses powerful. One of the acts to which the 
curas now see themselves obliged, and which robs 
them of great prestige, is the collection of the paro- 
chial fees at marriages and burials. A person who 
has lost a child or a parent by death, has in addition 
to the grief for his loss, the expense which it occa- 
sions. He goes to the cura weeping, and tells him 
that he has no money. The cura, nevertheless, must 
show himself inexorable; finally the native hands 
the cura a portion of the sum; the parish priest bids 
him go get the part lacking; he returns with another 
portion; and after seeing that the pretense of his 
poverty avails him nothing, he pays the whole fee. 
There are some who come with the money divided 
into the four corners of their handkerchiefs, and un- 
wrap them one after the other, trying each time to 
avoid the payment. The same thing happens in mar- 
riages ; and there are many who live in concubinage, 
waiting until the cura marries them free of charge. 
These scenes are very unpleasant to the religious, and 
yet, they can do no less than show themselves hard, 
for if they did otherwise they would be unable to 
collect any of the fees which belong to them and 
form the greater part of their income. And the 
worst of all is, that this money which the cura would 
lose, would probably not be used in reproductive 
investments, but would be spent in feasting and the 
cockpit. It would be, then, much more advisable, 
and very much to the taste of the religious, to have 
a general tax imposed, and collected by the alcalde, 
as now happens with the sanctorum^^ One-half real 

^^ A tribute paid to the church by all Filipinos from the age of 

"Since 1852 the tribute amounts to 12 reals, and in some dis- 



annually for each soul would be sufficient and would 
compensate, as some of them have assured me, for 
the present sum of the parochial fees. The display- 
in the ceremony of marriage and burial ought to be 
suitable and designated by rules. Those who desired 

tricts special rates are fixed. Not until 1841 was the payment of 
the tribute in cash made universal. There are, besides, three other 
taxes; the sanctorum^ 3 reals; the comunidad, i real; and the re- 
cargo, Yz real. The total of imposts, then, is 16^ reals; or for 
each single person one dollar and % ^'^^1. The sanctorum is for 
[the expenses of] worship ; but it is paid to the government, which 
pays the minister at the rate of 180 dollars for 500 tributes. The 
comunidad is a charge for the communal fund. The recargo is a 
charge introduced since the suppression of the brandy monopoly, 
to cover the deficit resulting therefrom. In Mindanao and the 
Bisayas no additional charge is collected. According to Agius 
{Memoria, doc. 5) each single tribute-payer now contributes 6.25 
reals, plus 0.55 reals of recargOy in all 6.8 reals, not considering the 
sanctorum and comunidad. The inhabitants of Abra, Ilocos, and 
Union pay, besides, ij^ to 2% reals for the permission to buy their 
tobacco outside the monopoly dealers. " " Mestizos by a Chinese 
man and an Indian woman pay a tribute of ^3.00 a year since 
1852; earlier, it was less. The Indian woman married to a mesti- 
zo of this class pays the same tribute as he during their marriage ; 
but when she becomes a widow she pays only as an Indian woman. 
Mestizos who, like the natives, cultivate the soil with their own 
hands, also pay only as the latter do. The mestizos form their 
own barangays when there are 25 to 30 tributes of them living to- 
gether; otherwise they belong to the nearest barangay of natives. 
Every Chinaman - excepting tillers of the soil, from whom only 12 
reals are collected - pays since 1852 a [capitation] head-tax of 
^6.00, and, besides this, an industrial tax of $100, $60, $30, or 

" A law issued Nov. 3, 1863 (Legis, ultramar [compiled 
by Rodriguez S. Pedro, pub. at Madrid, 1865] iii) , actually decided 
that every male inhabitant of the Philippines - European or na- 
tive, Spanish or foreign -- must render personal service for twen- 
ty-four days in the year, or else procure release from it by a money 
payment. But this law was not put into execution, and Europeans 
are free from all imposts. Mestizos by Spaniards and Indian wom- 
en are similarly exempt, save that they pay 7 reals for the sancto- 
rum, and J4 real as a tithe for the government ; little care, how- 
ever, is taken for exactness in the enumeration of the mestizos, es- 
pecially of their women." (Jagor, Reisen, pp. 293-295.) 


any music or some extraordinary mourning decora- 
tions could pay something extra. In that way, the 
parishioners would experience nothing more from 
their parish priests than agreeable things - counsel, 
protection, and alms. 

Since it is very important that the religious, as 
guides of public opinion, have essentially Spanish 
hearts, it is absolutely necessary for all these men to 
be born, to have been educated and ordained in 
Espana. From this is deduced the need of protect- 
ing the colleges existing at present, and where friars 
are made who take a vow for Filipinas.^^ 

Their pride must be entirely broken, and they 
must in all places and on all occasions consider the 
Spaniard as their master, and not their equal. Our 
laws of Indias, dictated in the most beneficent, but 
not always in the most wise, spirit, not only concede 
them all the rights of Spaniards, but seem in several 
points to prefer them to the Spaniards, especially in 
the possession of lands. These benevolent regulations, 
often executed with exaggeration by the auditors of 
the Audiencia, the protector of the Indians, and the 
governors-general who come from Espana, overflow- 
ing with ideas of philanthropy and humanity, and 
without knowing the natives otherwise than by their 
humble hypocritical exterior with influential per- 
sons, have raised their pretensions to an alarming 

[The natives have committed many acts of vio- 
lence and contempt A Recollect cura was beheaded 
in Talibong, Cebu; the provincial governor of Ne- 
gros was assassinated in 1833, and another Spaniard 

^® The Colegio de Agustinos, or Colegio de Filipinas, at Valla- 
dolid, would probably come under this category. 


severely wounded ; the alcalde-mayor of Capis was 
attacked in 1836, but saved himself by his presence 
of mind ; the house of the alcalde-mayor of Antique 
was burned and he barely escaped the flames; an- 
other alcalde-mayor was taken prisoner to Manila 
in an iron cage ; the cura and government employes 
were ridiculed in pantomimic dances in Capan in 
1 841; a comedy was to have been enacted at the 
feast-day celebrations at Santa Cruz, Laguna, in 
1840, in which the alcalde-mayor and his court were 
to be held up to ridicule, but it was avoided by the 
arrest of the actors. It has happened sometimes that 
the gobernadorcillo remains seated in the presence 
of a Spaniard with whom he has contests in the 
ayuntamiento. The members of the village ayunta- 
mientos are not accustomed to rise when a Spaniard 
enters the town hall, and even laugh at them; and 
should the Spaniard grow angry and strike any of 
them, complaint is forthwith made to the governor, 
who punishes the Spaniard. An artillery captain 
and an advocate were stoned without cause in a La- 
guna village. A Spaniard, angered by the insolent 
answer of a native, struck him, whereupon the native 
threatened his life. In Manila, the natives are in- 
solent. They do not yield the sidewalk to Spaniards ; 
coachmen and porters do not rise in the presence of 
Spaniards; Filipino women do not yield to Spanish 
women either in the stores or the church. Since the 
new governor, Oraa, has ordered a verbal process 
against a commandant for punishing a servant, they 
have become more insolent than ever. Other acts 
of insolence are noted. These things are not heard 
of by the governor, or they lay no stress upon them 
as they do not recognize their political importance. 


" Before the justice, the Spaniards and the Filipinos 
are equal." The latter, however, get better treat- 
ment from the governors, who have even punished 
provincial governors severely, while they have 
treated the natives with clemency. The prestige of 
the Spanish name must be preserved. " He who 
merits it must without doubt be punished, not only 
for the crime which he commits against humanity 
and justice, but also because it obscures the luster of 
the Spanish character, from which righteousness, 
benevolence, and liberality ought always shine forth. 
But it is advisable that this be among Spaniards, and 
that no account or satisfaction of it be given to the 
natives. Place them in the way of rights, and they 
will not pay until driving us from their soil." It is 
wrong to treat the native with less severity than the 
Spaniard. Mas asserts that in all the countries in 
which he has traveled, he has had to exercise pa- 
tience to no greater degree than in the Philippines. 
The insolence and disrespect which he has witnessed 
do not allow him to see safety and security for the 
Spaniards. " It seems to me that the islands were 
more secure in the times when a native got down on 
his knees when a Spaniard passed." Mas advises 
that Spaniards alone be allowed to wear the necker- 
chief, and that natives and mestizos be distinguished 
by the loose shirt and straw hat which they have 
chosen themselves. Principales only should be per- 
mitted to wear jackets. The religious have destroyed 
distinction in rank among the natives in great meas- 
ure, but while this is generous and democratic, " the 
destruction of rank also destroys the principle of 
ambition, the stimulus for economy and work."] 
The places of cabezas de barangay must not be 


hereditary, but these posts ought to be filled by the 
most wealthy. Among these people aristocracy of 
money has great influence, but not that of family. 
In the colony, there must be no noble blood except 
the Spanish. When the Filipino or mestizo meets a 
Spaniard, the former shall be obliged to stop (except 
at Manila) to salute him. If seated, he shall rise 
when the Spaniard addresses him or passes in front 
of him. He who raises his hand against a Spaniard, 
although it be to defend his own life, shall incur the 
penalty of laboring on the public works all his life. 
If the offense is verbal, the punishment shall be de- 
creased in proportion to the case. A Spaniard shall 
not give a seat in his house to a Filipino or mestizo, 
much less sit at table with him. He who falls into 
this fault of decorum, shall be punished the first two 
times by a fine, and the third time he shall be exiled 
from the colony. No Spaniard, under any considera- 
tion, shall be allowed to contract marriage with any 
Filipino or mestizo woman. The Filipinos or mes- 
tizos who desire to use a carriage or a saddle horse, 
shall have to obtain a permit for which an annual 
tax shall be charged, so that those who sustain this 
luxury may be very few. [Mas condemns the custom 
of giving the title ^^ Don " to gobernadorcillos and 
principales. Even almost naked Tinguianes and 
Igorots are found with that title -which is ridicu- 
lous. Let the Filipinos use their own native equiva- 
lents for **Don" and "Dona." Also the natives 
should not be allowed to present petitions which are 
disrespectful because of their ignorance of the lan- 
guage, such as for instance calling the governor a 

Government employes should be well paid, for in 


a country where appearances count for so much as 
in the Philippines, it is not well to live in a miserly 
manner. There are no Spanish grandees in the col- 
ony, and but few of the merchants can afford to live 
luxuriously. Mere living expenses are cheaper than 
in Spain, and one could if he desired save more, but 
if the natives live better than the ruling class, there 
will be a loss of prestige. Better salaries are paid 
in the Philippines than in Spain, but this is neces- 
sary. The governor, for instance, must really give 
some idea of the royal master whom he is serving, 
and this can be done through a certain amount of 
display. Each official ought to spend at least two- 
thirds of his pay. 

No Spaniard ought to be allowed to go to the 
provinces who is not of well-known good behavior, 
and who does not leave in Manila a bondsman for 
the debts which he may contract. Passports are at 
times given to poor Spaniards, soldiers, or licensed 
corporals, for example, who go through the villages 
of the interior defrauding, guzzling, entering the 
houses of the town in an unbecoming manner, asking 
perhaps, food or baggage without paying for them, 
and finally obliging the natives to arrest them. The 
pernicious consequences of these examples are in- 

[In case that the employes of the treasury are de- 
creased in number, and collections are made by con- 
tractors, only natives and Chinese mestizos should be 
accepted as such, on account of the odium incurred. 
The latter class will probably take the contract, 
which will result in good as it will tend to develop 
race hatred between them and the Filipinos.] 

Those races are the ones who make up the popula- 


tion. The one excels and is strong through its num- 
ber, and the other through its intelligence, activity, 
and wealth. The ability of the government will 
consist in keeping them always separated, and at 
swords' points, in order that they may never form a 
common mass or public spirit, but that, on the con- 
trary, the one may serve as an instrument to subject 
the other. Filipinos would rather associate with 
mestizos than with Spaniards, for although the first 
tyrannize over them, and draw them under the yoke 
so far as possible, they invite them to dine, and treat 
them so that they all appear united. The Spaniards, 
for the most part, always talk to them with an air 
of superiority, and keep them at a certain distance - 
a thing which naturally disgusts the Filipino. 

[The Filipinos do not, however, like the Chinese 
any better, but on the contrary, respect the Spaniards 
more as coming from a higher race. They regard 
the mestizos as a bastard race and beneath them- 
selves. There are many lawsuits between the two 
classes for preference in rank. In villages where 
there are both mestizos and natives, each class has 
its own gobernadorcillo, although that of the latter 
has now been declared superior in rank, and in case 
of the death or absence of the alcalde-mayor, takes 
his place. They are jealous of these privileges, and 
in case of immediate separation, the mestizos would 
not become the dominant force in the country. This 
rivalry is useful for Spanish interests and must be 
preserved. The Chinese mestizos will within a cen- 
tury have grown to at least one million by natural 
increase and immigration from China ; and will pos- 
sess the greater part of the wealth of the islands. 
They are the proprietors, merchants, and educated 


people of the country, and will dominate public 
opinion. This class has no sympathy for Spain and 
will be difficult to subdue. Therefore, the moral 
force of the natives must be preserved, and the rival- 
ry between the two classes fomented, so that the 
natives may not become the vassals of the mestizos. 
Mas proposes a land tax on the mestizos and a dis- 
tinctive dress. Theaters for both natives and mes- 
tizos, where they can rival and ridicule each other 
will be helpful. Arts and the prosperity of the 
country must be stimulated, for if the natives are 
left to their natural incapacity and sloth, they will 
be in the power of the Chinese mestizos within a 

[A Spanish force of at least one thousand or five 
hundred men is needed. If the native soldiers mu- 
tiny, nothing can restore discipline unless there is 
a Spanish force. Some of the governors have op- 
posed even Spanish corporals and sergeants. The 
country seems quiet but a terrible mutiny and revolt 
may occur any day. There were only Spanish sol- 
diers in the old days, and respect was more manifest. 
Native regiments are of modern date. The dis- 
reputable regiment of Asia made up largely of crim- 
inals has caused the Spanish soldiers to lose prestige 
among the natives. And besides they have been 
wretchedly treated. It would be well to have sol- 
diers from Borneo or other islands outside the archi- 
pelago. If the British do not object, men might 
even be enlisted cheaply in India. This would re- 
lieve the natives from service, from which they 
would gladly be free; and the country would be 
more secure, and more prosperous.] 

[The principales should be allowed to hold meet- 


ings only in the presence of the cura. It is well 
known that they plot against the alcalde-mayor and 
the cura at times when they assemble for any com- 
mon matter.] 

The Spanish language ought not to be taught them, 
but they ought to learn to read and write in their 
own. It is impossible to avoid the introduction of 
papers and books into the provinces which it is un- 
advisable for them to read, and experience demon- 
strates that those who know our language, are almost 
always the restless ones of the villages and those who 
murmur at, censure, and act contrary to the curas 
and alcaldes. 

[It is folly to teach the natives how to make ar- 
tillery and firearms. Factories for the manufacture 
of these are now being finished in the islands. It 
would be better to send everything of this nature 
from Spain. Another imprudence is the manufac- 
ture of powder. Besides its inferiority to Spanish 
powder, and the danger of allowing the natives to 
learn to make it, it costs more than that sent from 
Spain. Although after the delivery of twelve thou- 
sand quintals, the factory and its effects are to be- 
come national property, the works which are now 
not worth more than ten thousand pesos, will be 

[Mas recommends the use of steam vessels for 
inter-island communication, for the rapid moving of 
troops, and the better protection of Spanish interests. 
They can also be used against the Moros ^^ with bet- 
ter effect than the small squadron of sailing vessels 
now employed, and will be more economical. Coal 

^^ The use of steam vessels against the Moros was introduced 
in 1847, ^^^ proved an immediate benefit. 


and wood abound in the islands and can be used as 

The publication of a newspaper shall be permitted 
under the supervision of the government. In them 
shall be inserted descriptions of the best methods of 
making sugar, indigo, etc., dyeing thread, temper- 
ing iron, and in fact everything that may conduce 
to the instruction of agriculture and manufacture; 
the edicts and orders of the government; and politi- 
cal news, both peninsular and foreign, edited in the 
manner that is found advisable. [All the village 
ayuntamientos shall be compelled to subscribe to 
such a paper, and the cura shall be asked to trans- 
late into the native vernacular all useful articles. 
Foreign papers are admitted without any charge, 
and prove, instead of a benefit, an injury, for they 
are all democratic in tone, and foment disorder and 
discontent.] The non-existence of newspapers in Fi- 
lipinas causes a very bad result among foreigners, 
who consider them and with reason, the foremost 
mark of civilization, and at the same time, the gov- 
ernment is deprived of the advantage of guiding 
public opinion.^^ 

A system of police must be established, especially 
in the capital. Not many years ago, there was a 
commission of public vigilance, which was abolished, 
I believe, during the government of General Camba. 
The neglect of the captains-general in this regard 
at present is scarce credible. 

[Although China has caused and will cause 
trouble in the future, still the salutary punishments 
that the Chinese have received, and the rapid in- 
crease in the Filipino population, justify the admis- 

^^ See VOL. LI, notes 6, 7, 14, 16, 31. 


sion into the islands of 15,000 or 20,000 more Chinese, 
on the basis that there are only 8,000 or 10,000 now 
in the islands. These can be scattered through the 
islands and would work only on the estates of Span- 
iards.] Twenty thousand Chinese could work 10,- 
000 quiiions of land, which planted with sugar cane 
would yield annually 2,000,000 picos of sugar. This 
sugar sold at Manila at only 3 pesos fuertes [per 
quintal] would produce the sum of 6,000,000 pesos 
fuertes. [In case of a popular insurrection the Chi- 
nese would all side with the government and if an 
attack were threatened from China, it would be suf- 
ficient to turn them over to the Filipinos, who, be- 
cause of their hatred for them, on account of their 
superior industry, would soon make short work of 

[Foreigners are useful because of their knowledge 
and capital, and create much wealth for the islands 
through their continual traffic with their own coun- 
tries. But their presence does not promote the con- 
servation of the colony.] Formerly the feeling 
against this class of persons was very pronounced, 
owing in great measure to the religious, who always 
spoke of the English, Dutch, etc., as heretics, drunk- 
ards, and barbarians. The antipathy thus engend- 
ered was highly important, in case of an outside at- 
tack. [The natives are now friendly to foreigners, 
who pay more liberally than Spaniards, and even 
Spaniards at Manila are aping the English and are 
friendly to them. Undesirable books have and will 
surely be introduced through the foreigners; and 
consequently, the laws forbidding them to go to the 
provinces must be enforced, and entrance to Manila 
must not be easy. La Place, the Frenchman, al- 


though he wrote many inaccurate things of the is- 
lands,^^ recognized the danger from foreigners, when 
speaking of the slaughter of the foreigners in 18 19 
during the cholera.] 

3rd. The administration requires a complete re- 
form. The command of Filipinas has always been 
entrusted to a governor and captain-general, as if it 
were a province of Espaiia. To set some balance to 
his power, because of the distance from the throne, 
certain privileges and preeminences have been 
granted to other persons, especially to the Audiencia, 
even to the point of making of the latter a court of 
appeal against the measures of the chief of the is- 
lands. Besides, the revenues have been removed from 
his jurisdiction, and the office of the intendant has 
been constituted, who obeys no others than the orders 
communicated to him by the ministry of the treas- 
ury from Madrid.^^ It is very obvious that this single 
point is quite sufficient to paralyze completely the 
action of the governor-general. Besides, since there 
are many matters which require to be passed on by 
distinct ministries, it happens that two contrary or- 

^^ This was Admiral Cyrille-Pierre-Theodore Laplace, who was 
bom at sea Nov. 7, 1793, and died at Brest, Jan, 22, 1875. The 
book mentioned by Mas is the Voyage autour du monde par les 
mers de VInde et de la Chine ( 1833-39). The matter on the Phil- 
ippines is contained in vol. i, pp. 353-470, 547-553, and is as fol- 
lows: "Manille; description de Lugon; quelques details sur son 
gouvemement, ses habitants, leurs moeurs et leur industrie ; " and 
notes. See La grande encyclopedie^ xxi, p. 947 ; and the Philippine 
bibliography issued by the Library of Congress. 

^^ The office of army intendant was created by royal orders of 
July 17 and 26, 1784, in accordance with the proposition of Gov- 
ernor Basco; to the office was united that of the subdelegate su- 
perintendency of the treasury. The new office was independent of 
the superior government of the islands. The first incumbent of the 
new office was Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal, then auditor of the 


ders touch the same matter, or that one order is lack- 
ing, which is enough to render its execution impos- 
sible, the contingency moreover arising that a chief 
may detain a communication, even after he has re- 
ceived it, if it does not suit him. This system of 
setting obstacles in the way of the governor of a dis- 
tant colony is wise and absolutely necessary, but since 
the Leyes de Indias are not a constitutional code, but 
a compilation made in the year 1754^^ of royal orders 
despatched at various epochs and by distinct mon- 
archs, in which are decided points of government, 
justice, war, politics, revenue, procedure, etc., there 
results rather than a balance among the various de- 
partments of authority a confusion of jurisdictions, 
the fatal fount of eternal discord. [Mas cites laws 
from Leyes de Indias showing the great confusion 
and contrariety of the orders to governor and Au- 
diencia. This confusion has given rise to scandalous 
and tragic events because of the contests over author- 
ity. During these latter years have occurred many 
offenses of like nature. General Enrile had them 
with the intendant, and General Camba mentions 
several during the period of his government. To 
these difficulties, is added another, in order that the 
chariot may run right and easily: the government of 
the provinces is in charge of an alcalde-mayor,^^ who 
is at once judge of first instance, chief of the political 
matters, subdelegate of the treasury, and war captain 
or military commandant, for whose different attri- 

royal Audiencia and assessor-general of the government. See Mon- 
tero Y Vidal, Historia general, ii, pp. 311, 312. 

^* The first edition of the Recopilacion de leyes de Indias was 
published at Madrid in 1681. 

^^ For the powers of the alcaldes-mayor, see vol. xvii, pp. 323, 
324, and 333, 334- 


butes he is subject to authorities distinct from one 
another. This appears inconceivable, but yet it is 
a fact, although the cleverness of our India legisla- 
tors has not been so great that it could free the system 
of the inconveniences which necessarily must ob- 
struct it. 

Whatever difficulty occurs in the fulfilment of an 
order, it must be solved by means of a conference 
and advice \^consulta]j^^ from which a reply is not 
obtained until from twelve to fourteen months. 
These difficulties are more frequent in Filipinas than 
in a province of the Peninsula, because of the lack 
of knowledge of the country generally possessed by 
the ministers who dictate the measures. Things have 
gone so far that it has been ordered that the cultiva- 
tion of the balate (a fish) be encouraged; and that 
the situado of Zamboanga be sent overland, because 
of the loss of the ship which was carrying it across 
to the island of Mindanao, where D. Infantes was 
then governing said presidio. The superintendent 
Enriquez says in the document which he printed on 
leaving his post in 1836," that in the short period 

^® i.e,y A report of the matter must be made to the government, 
through its respective ministries, and after deliberation the course 
to be followed would be ordered. Throughout the history of the 
Philippines, this method often proved a great drawback to effective 
government, because of the distance from Spain and difficulty of 
communication; so much so that when the answer was received, 
the matter was already wellnigh or completely a dead letter. 

^^ On leaving his office Francisco Enriquez left two printed 
documents as follows: Oficio al Secretario de Estado dando 
cuenta de haber hecho entrega de la Intendencia a D. Luis Urrejola 
(Manila, June 11, 1836; 2 leaves on rice paper); and Entrega 
que hace de sus funciones, en este dia, el Intendente general de Ejer- 
cito . . al Ecsmo. Sr. D. Luis Urrejola (Manila, July 11, 1836; 
in 16 leaves). The document mentioned by Mas must be one of 
these. See Retana's Bibliografia filipina, pp. 54, 55 (the title to 
the first document is made by Retana) . 


in which he filled the superintendency, he sent to the 
court six hundred and twenty-seven questions for res- 
olution. And to these springs of torpor in the ad- 
ministration of the government, we must add that 
the captains-general scarcely decide any question 
whatever, without handing the matter for report to 
the assessor, fiscal, Audiencia, etc., because of the dis- 
tance and impossibility of consulting Espana, and 
through their fear of compromising themselves, since 
on many occasions, measures have been obtained 
against them in Madrid, through agents and repre- 
sentatives or through complaints sent from the is- 
lands. The same thing happens with regard to the 
intendant and other authorities. From this practice 
arises the system of expedientes ^^ which reigns, and 
which is so fatal to the prosperity and good govern- 
ment of the country, since very often the arrangement 
that appears good to some, is contrary to the opin- 
ions or interests of others. [Expedientes lasting for 
years have been formulated for matters requiring 
immediate attention. For instance, one lasting for 
years was formulated in regard to an expedition 
against the Moro pirates. An expediente is formed 
when a foreigner arrives at Manila without a pass- 
port from Spain and asks permission to remain in 
the country, although the law on this point is ex- 
plicit. Thu^ much valuable time is lost and the ex- 
pedientes result in only a waste of paper, besides 
great injury to the islands. The governor often has 
to conform to the opinions expressed in the expe- 
diente, although he knows they will be the cause of 

2^ i.e.y All the papers belonging to any matter, judicial, legisla- 
tive, or executive, consisting of orders, opinions, reports, and all 
other measures. 


injustice.^® On the other hand, the governor is often 
directly at fault, because he enforces his own opinion 
on his assessor, who has often obtained his position 
through favoritism and is not a lawyer, and decides 
questions according to the will of the governor. Be- 
sides, the governor has the armed force at his dis- 
posal. The chiefs of the various departments at 
Manila carry on correspondence with the directors- 
general of their respective departments in Madrid, 
without the knowledge of the governor, a fact that 
increases the confusion and disorder. The director 
of the mails even is at fault in this, and renders ac- 
counts to the general post-office department in 
Spain.] A sub-inspector of engineers newly created, 
just went to Manila with orders to extend the fortifi- 
cations of the capital to its suburbs. The suburbs 
contain about fifty thousand inhabitants scattered 
throughout various villages which are composed of 

^^ A note at this point states that the polo and service tax had 
not been extended to the Chinese mestizos, who were not in ex- 
istence when the tax was first imposed, or were but few, until a few 
years back, when the natives of Lingayen brought up the matter. 
Chinese mestizos formed the wealthiest part of many villages ; and 
it was decided that since they were to the natives as 1:6, they should 
pay such taxes for one month to the natives' six. At Vigan, Ilocos 
Sur, the natives also presented a petition against the mestizos be- 
cause natives alone were compelled to furnish provisions, etc., to 
the troops in their province at the schedule price, while the mesti- 
zos escaped; and for which reason many of the natives joined the 
mestizo ranks, saying that the state profited thereby because as 
mestizos they paid a double tribute. Governor Oraa, however, 
imposed a fine for such denaturalization. As regards the petition 
against the mestizos, an expediente was formed, and in July, 1841, 
the natives were ordered to send a salaried agent to conduct a suit 
against the mestizos. But they being poor could not do so, while 
it was understood that the mestizos had paid a bribe of 1,000 pesos 
to the assessor. Consequently, it appears that notwithstanding the 
efforts of the alcalde-mayor and Mas, nothing could be done, as the 
governor was so hedged in. 


houses all of one story in height, which is enough to 
give an idea of the extension of the imagined fortifi- 
cation. The amount of artillery for garrisoning 
their walls, the workshop necessary to keep the artil- 
lery in good condition, the garrison necessary for 
their defense, besides the operating gangs: all were 
to be in the greatest magnitude, and demand an an- 
nual expense which the treasury of the colony could 
not even remotely meet. And if one reflect that 
the enemy can take all the other islands and even 
disembark at any point of Luzon itself without the 
necessity of going to Manila ; that if this capital were 
besieged, it would be by enemies coming by sea, and 
hence, being masters of the port, they would very 
quickly take by hunger a place of one hundred and 
fifty thousand souls, or indeed it would be sur- 
rendered by the natives, and then the inhabitants, in- 
stead of contributing to the defense, would open their 
doors to the aggressors ; and that the concentration of 
the forces, the property, the archives, and public and 
private wealth, at one single enclosed point, is to 
form a target to call the attention of exterior and 
interior enemies: we can do no less than agree that 
the plan of extending the fortifications of Manila to 
all its suburbs lacks all reasonable foundation, and 
that it will be advocated only by the many people 
who possess houses on the shores of the Pasig River, 
within cannon range, because of their fear lest, if the 
events of 1762 are again repeated, all those edifices 
which they were by a fatal lack of foresight permit- 
ted to raise successively (an evil which it is now very 
difficult if not impossible to remedy) , would be lev- 
eled to the ground. 

[However, the present condition of the treasury 


will not allow this plan to be executed. The sub- 
inspector of the artillery has petitioned that all com- 
panies of the regiment be commanded by captains of 
the staff. This would cause discontent among the 
subalterns who would see all hope of promotion van- 
ish forever. They can rise now only to captain, and 
some of them are even now angry. The artillery 
corps has always been loyal to the government and 
it is advisable to keep it so. Officers might indeed be 
trained in the military college, but in that case the 
promotion of the sergeants must be arranged for. 
Complaints of the military in the Philippines mean 
more than they do in Spain where the complainers 
are retired or exercise patience. But this substitu- 
tion may be made without consulting the governor, 
as it is a matter concerning the artillery itself.] 

In the various departments of the administration 
there may also be abuses to examine or correct, which 
will never be known or exactly proved by chiefs resi- 
dent in Madrid, because of the distance which is so 
favorable to the distortion of facts. For example, 
the brigadier of the navy, Don J. Ruiz de Apodaca, 
told me before the sub-inspector of artillery and an- 
other chief that all the articles which were bought by 
the treasury for the arsenal, were charged at a much 
higher price than those for the fort, etc., and he in- 
vited me to go to his house where he would prove 
it to me with the documents. On the other side, I 
have heard complaints that after a contract had been 
made with the treasury for cables, iron, etc., it is 
impossible to get a receipt for them in the arsenal, 
unless for a bonus ; that quantities of timber will not 
be receipted for and those who have transported it 
to Cavite have to sell it at any price; and that it is 


bought by the very ones who have qualified it as use- 
less ; that many houses have been built in Cavite with 
the timber given out as no good, only with the object 
of making new bargains. Don F. Ossorio told me in 
the house of the secretary of the government, and in 
the presence of several respectable persons, that when 
he was commandant of artillery at that place, he 
made all the furniture of his house with wood which 
he bought in the arsenal as firewood. It is a fact that 
naval construction is very dear, and that the f ragata 
"Esperanza" cost more than 600,000 pesos fuertes. 
During my stay in the islands, there has been talk of 
trickery in the outlay of tobacco, besides a defalca- 
tion in the magazines of three thousand eight hun- 
dred bundles of leaf. It was declared that there was 
introduced, for example, into the factory magazines, 
a quantity of bundled tobacco, in which was one part 
composed of fillers [palos'l which had to be burned 
as useless ; but if these fillers amounted to five thou- 
sand arrobas, only four thousand were destroyed. The 
other thousand arrobas were taken out as leaf of the 
best brand [from the magazines] and was carried to 
private houses where it was manufactured as contra- 
band. This leaf was replaced by the fillers which 
ought to have been burned. For that reason, the 
cigars which were sent to the tobacco shops of the 
provinces, and even those which were sold to the 
trade, were sometimes of the worst quality; that the 
boxes were short weight; that choice lots were 
finished with care, and marked with a mark, and 
papers were given authorizing the exchange of to- 
bacco in the factory, by which means the associates 
in these speculations could buy the poor tobacco 
which was given to the public, and leave it in the 


national magazines, taking in place of it, that manu- 
factured properly and reserved. But what I know to 
be a positive fact in this matter is that few or many 
superior or fine boxes were made, which were ob- 
tained by favor in Manila ; and that when Don Luis 
Urrijola^^ left the intendancy, the tobacco had lost 
its credit, and nine thousand boxes were held in the 
magazines, which no merchant then or since has 
cared to buy. The new superintendent, Don J. M. 
de la Matta took direct and positive measures by 
separating the magazine from the factory, and reduc- 
ing the functions of the latter to the manufacture 
only, etc., whereupon the requests for the new to- 
bacco were renewed, so that when I left Manila, it 
was impossible by a great amount to meet the de- 
mands of the trade. But had it not been for the prov- 
idential appointment to the superintendency of said 
clever and zealous employe, perhaps that revenue 
would have entirely ceased. This is one of the fore- 
most resources of that country, and the governor- 
general would at this moment find himself, perhaps, 
in the greatest straits, and it would be impossible to 
prevent the evil, although he knew its origin and 
progress, as he had no intervention in the depart- 
ment of the treasury, which is, nevertheless, the soul 
of all government. In the same place I also heard 
talk of the sale of posts, of abuses in the pay of 
vouchers and other matters. [These things may be 

^^ Francisco Enriquez succeeded Urrijola (who had been ap- 
pointed October, 1820, as intendant-general of the army and treas- 
ury), in the office of intendant in 1828, being granted more ample 
powers than the latter had enjoyed. By a royal decree of October 
27, 1829, it was ordered that the superintendency should be held 
by the intendant of the army and royal treasury, and accordingly 
Enriquez took such charge on September 9, 1630. See Montero y 
Vidal, Hist, gen,, ii, pp. 457, 521. 


misrepresentation or calumny, but they are ever in- 
creasing in force and are being repeated with exag- 
geration -which tends to weaken Spanish prestige 
which is the source of their moral strength.] 

I believe that all that I have observed is enough 
and more than enough to show that the actual system 
of administration suffers from capital defects, and to 
assert that, in my opinion, the organization of a gov- 
ernment is peremptory, which besides being a check 
on despotism and a barrier to ambition, by means 
of correction and reform through itself, contains the 
elements of unity, concord, prudence, rectitude, pow- 
er, and duration. Here follows for what it may be 
worth, a plan circumscribed on fundamental bases.^^ 

[Mas's plan provides for a regency or commission 
of three persons, one of whom shall be the president 
and exercise the powers of the governor-general. A 
fourth member is to be elected as a substitute in case 
of death or illness, who, until called upon to fill any 
vacancy, shall travel through the provinces and study 
the conditions of the country. All matters of im- 
portance, especially money matters must be decided 
at a meeting of the regency, and appear by an act 
signed by all three. The president shall communi- 
cate and sign all orders, and all official communica- 
tions must be sent to him. The two secretaries, polit- 
ical and military, shall receive orders only from the 
president, and shall attend the meetings of the re- 
gency without vote. The president alone shall de- 
cide questions of detail and procedure and execution, 
in accordance with the regulations, always express- 

^^ See Jose Cabezas de Herrera's Apuntes historicos sobre la or- 
ganizacion politico-administrativa de Filipinos (Manila, 1883). 
This is an excellent treatise on the governmental administration of 
the Philippines. 


ing whether any measure has been voted on or not. 
The secretary shall send concise daily reports of all 
communications signed during the day by the presi- 
dent, noting after each one whether it was with or 
without the vote of the regency. Thus the other two 
regents having it in their power to call for the rough 
draft of any measure, can easily tell whether the 
president has overstepped his executory powers and 
encroached on the powers of the entire regency. 
This provision will obviate any such tendency on 
the president's part, and will remove the jealousy of 
his two associates. The plan further provides for a 
commander-in-chief of all the army; a commander 
of the navy; a superintendent of the treasury; a court 
of justice ; and a Council of State, to be composed of 
the officials above mentioned, together with the 
chiefs of artillery and fortification, the contador- 
mayor of accounts, the contadors of the army and 
treasury, the archbishop of Manila, and the provin- 
cials of the religious orders. The Council which has 
no power to assemble of its own accord, shall be as- 
sembled to consult on serious matters by the regency. 
At the death of the president, the senior regent shall 
assume his office, the substitute shall take a regular 
seat in the regency, and the Council shall appoint a 
new substitute to act provisionally until the court 
make a regular appointment, which shall never be 
the provisional appointment of the Council. The 
deliberations of the Council shall be secret and the 
regents shall only state the matters for discussion and 
then retire. The Council may be assembled at the 
request of the regents acting either singly or in ac- 
cord. In impeachments of the president, if the im- 
peachment is sustained, the senior regent shall take 


his place ; if it is not sustained, the Council shall re- 
tire, but may be assembled any number of times for 
the same matter. There is a clause against lobbying 
in the Council to influence the votes of the members. 
In case of two summons at the same time, the Coun- 
cil shall obey the one emanating from the president 
or senior regent first.] 

The members of the regency shall be jurisconsults^ 
owners of estates, or military men, and the regularly- 
appointed president shall always be a grandee of 
Espaiia. It is highly important that, at that distance, 
the first chief impose some personal respect, and that 
even his very lineage make him appear superior to 
all the others. 

[The dissension manifest in Basco's term as govern- 
or was due to his low rank, as he was only a captain 
of fragata when he went to the islands as governor, 
a fact that gave rise to envy. He was an excellent 
governor, but the ministry that supported him did 
not know the sentiments that move the human heart. 
Governor Lardizabal also was of lower rank than 
some who served in subordinate positions in the is- 
lands. It would be better to appoint a grandee to the 
post of governor; for, having his estates in Spain, he 
would be more loyal. A grandee also could better 
support the prestige of the government than a poor 
soldier or man of no rank, as he would be more ac- 
customed to the duties of that life. A soldier gener- 
ally desires to make money, and will neglect his real 
duties. As a rule there are no battles to be fought, 
while there are many duties of an administrational 
and industrial character. The governor must have 
tact with the natives, and look carefully after for- 
eign, commercial, and industrial relations, and the 


progress of the islands. It would be highly advis- 
able to choose such a man when General Alcala is 

[For the government of the provinces, advocates 
shall be appointed from Spain, and they shall remain 
no longer than twenty years in the islands. There 
shall be three classes of provincial governments with 
distinct salaries. In addition to the requisite number 
of provincial governors there shall be six or eight 
substitutes in case of vacancies. These shall receive 
a salary of fifty pesos per month, so long as they are 
not called upon to fill a vacancy, and shall meanwhile 
do the bidding of the regency. A vacancy in the 
governments of the first class shall be filled by the 
regency from the governors of the second and third 
classes; and one in the third class from the substi- 
tutes. Governors may be transferred at will by the 
regency, and the relative importance of the various 
provinces may also vary.] 

The provincial governors shall be as now political 
chiefs, judges of first instance, subdelegates of the 
treasury for the receiving of the direct incomes, man- 
agers of the mails, and war captains. This central- 
ization has many advantages, a very chief one being 
the economic. The inconveniences which follow 
from it, will disappear when there is one supreme 
authority in the islands. 

The limits of the provincial courts shall be en- 
larged to include both civil and criminal cases. This 
will increase the power of the subordinate authori- 
ties, and decrease the troubles of the Audiencia. 
The party [in the suit] shall always have the re- 
course of appeal. 

The superior court of justice shall be composed 


of three persons, one of whom shall be the president. 
It shall try criminal, civil, and contentious matters 
as well as trade questions by appeal. Appeal may 
be had from its sentences to the regency, which shall 
appoint three advocates to judge the case. These lat- 
ter shall become joint judges, and together with the 
three judges shall form the court of appeal. This 
court shall be presided over by one of the regents or 
by the substitute with a vote, the jurisconsult member 
being rightly preferred for this if there is one in the 

[The fees of the court of appeal shall be larger 
than those of the Audiencia; and if the decision of 
the latter is found correct the penalty shall be in- 
creased; the death sentence, however, being 
abolished. A vacancy in the court of justice shall be 
filled provisionally by the regency, and regular ap- 
pointment shall be made from Madrid, which must 
be otherwise than the provisional one made by the 
regency, unless such appointment be made before the 
action of the regents is known in Spain. This will 
tend to make the judiciary independent of the gov- 

[In regard to the treasury employes a plan similar 
to that of the provincial governors shall be adopted. 
The custom of sending employes for any of the treas- 
ury posts from Madrid, many of whom are ignorant 
even of bookkeeping, means death to the hopes of 
those already in the islands, and breeds discontent] 

[This plan does not involve any extra expense. 
The president shall have a yearly salary of 12,000 
pesos, in addition to the palace of Manila and the 
house at Malacalang; the two regents shall each re- 
ceive 6,000 pesos and 1,000 pesos extra for a house; 


and the substitute 4,000 pesos - a total of 30,000 pe- 
sos.^^ Posts of rank in Manila have lately been in- 
creased, and now there are a lieutenant-general, a 
mariscal de campo, six brigadier-generals, and many- 
colonels and commandants; and yet men of lower 
rank than all these have been appointed governor of 
the islands. There is no need of so many military 
titles. A brigadier-general, with 6,000 pesos' pay 
acts as second commandant of the navy, which con- 
sists of but a few gunboats; and a sub-inspector of 
engineers has just arrived who has only two officers 
under him. Colonels can serve in place of briga- 
diers, and since they receive 2,000 pesos less, this will 
be a saving of at least 10,000 pesos. This added to 
the 7,000 pesos that can be saved from the affairs of 
justice being managed by three persons, who have 
no administrational duties, the 13,000 pesos saved 
from the present salary of the captain-general, and 
the 1,000 pesos given as a gratification to the com- 
mandant of the marine corps, will mean a total saving 
of 31,000 pesos.] 

[Mas also proposes the establishment at Madrid 
of a ministry of the colonies,^' through whom all the 

^^ See the budget of receipts and expenditures in the Philippines 
for the year, July, 1885-June, 1886, in Montero y VidaFs El 
archiptelago filipino, pp. 169-186. The expenditures involve: gen- 
eral obligations, 1,523,335-07 pesos; state, 125,000 pesos; grace 
and justice, 1,085,769.62 pesos; war, 3,494,923.31 pesos; treasury, 
1,356,031.30 pesos; navy, 2,423,518.91 pesos; government, 1,267,- 
007.43 peso^; public works (fomento), 349,322.87 pesos; total, 
11,624,908.51 pesos. The receipts were 11,528,178 pesos. 

^^ The administrative affairs of the colonies were placed in 
charge of the ministerio de la gobernacion (ministry of the gov- 
ernment) in 1832, and were added in 1836 to the ministerio de 
marina (ministry of the navy), which was after that called secre- 
taria del despacho de marina, comer cio y gobernacion de ultramar 
(department of the navy, commerce, and colonial government). 


communications of the regency shall pass. It should 
have departments of government, war, navy, reve- 
nues, and justice. It can easily turn over to other 
ministries what primarily concerns them, and work 
in harmony with them. For instance it would not 
elect bishops, but would determine their number and 

Thus far I have given minute details on the three 
principles which, in my opinion, I said it was neces- 
sary to adopt as basic policies in order to conserve 
the Filipinas: namely, to avoid the increase of the 
white population ; make of the colored population, a 
docile and well-inclined mass; and reform the pres- 
ent administration. I have still to add that I con- 
ceive it to be of the foremost interest to always have 
in that treasury a sufficient store of spare funds to at 
least cover the expenses of one year. [It will be im- 
possible to realize loans in case of either internal or 
external war. The treasury has been continually 
exhausted for years, and has drawn on the obras pias. 
Notes have been drawn on the Manila treasury for 

After various other changes, the ministerio de ultramar (ministry 
of the colonies) was established by royal decree, May 20, 1863. 
The duties of the ministry are outlined as follows: to modify the 
organization or administrational regime of the colonies; to fix or 
change the annual budget of receipts and expenditures; to dispose 
of the surplus products of the colonies; to adopt any rule relative 
to the establishment or suppression of imposts; to propose persons 
for the offices of governor and captain-general, intendants, and re- 
gents of the Audiencia; to grant titles, etc., to persons in the colo- 
nies; to adopt any measure affecting the exterior regimen of the 
Church or the royal patronage; to decide any serious matter ac- 
cording to the judgment of the minister; to draw up preparatory 
measures of resolutions allowing expenses or advances of funds by 
the public treasury of the Peninsula, which resolutions belong to 
the ministry of the treasury; to transmit communications of the 
ministers of state, war, and navy, to the authorities of those prov- 
inces, and the communications of the latter to the respective minis- 
ters. See T>ic, encic, Hisp,'Amer,y xiii, pp. 131, 132. 


over three million pesos, on which interest is being 
paid, and there is no hope of paying the principal.] 
Such a method of doing things, is, in my opinion, 
a political imprudence twice over- in the first place 
because the islands are left exposed to reverses from 
a faction or from a foreign enemy; in the second, be- 
cause it causes certain murmurs among their inhabi- 
tants, and a discontent difficult to conceive of here, 
and which may precipitate their ruin. 

After having discussed the means of conserving 
the colony, supposing that this is always the intention 
of the government, let us consider the other extreme, 
taken in review, namely, to resolve to emancipate 
it and prepare it for giving it liberty. 

In order to attain this end, it becomes natural, as 
is necessary, to adopt a system diametrically opposed 
to the first. The chief object must be that it does not 
cause the shedding of blood, that the relations of 
friendship and of trade with Espafia are not inter- 
rupted, that the European Spaniards living there do 
not lose their chattels or landed property, and, espe- 
cially, that our race there, the Filipino-Spaniards, 
preserve their estates and their rights of naturaliza- 
tion, and free from the unfortunate fate that threatens 
them, and which is even inevitably expected for 
them, if the colony separates by force and at this mo- 
ment. It is needful to encourage public instruction 
in all ways possible, permit newspapers subject to a 
liberal censure, to establish in Manila a college of 
medicine, surgery, and pharmacy: in order to break 
down the barriers that divide the races, and amal- 
gamate them all into one. For that purpose, the 
Spaniards of the country, the Chinese mestizos, and 


the Filipinos shall be admitted with perfect equality 
as cadets of the military corps; the personal-service 
tax shall be abolished, or an equal and general tax 
shall be imposed, to which all the Spaniards shall be 
subject. This last plan appears to me more advis- 
able, as the poll-tax is already established, and it is 
not opportune to make a trial of new taxes when it 
is a question of allowing the country to be governed 
by itself. Since the annual tribute is unequal, the 
average shall be taken and shall be fixed, consequent- 
ly, at fifteen or sixteen reals per whole tribute, or 
perhaps one peso fuerte annually from each adult 
tributary person. This regulation will produce an 
increase in the revenue of 200,000 or 300,000 pesos 
fuertes, and this sum shall be set aside to give the 
impulse for the amalgamation of the races, favoring 
crossed marriages by means of dowries granted to the 
single women in the following manner. To a Chi- 
nese mestizo woman who marries a Filipino shall be 
given 100 pesos; to a Filipino woman who marries 
a Chinese mestizo, 100 pesos; to a Chinese mestizo 
woman who marries a Spaniard, 1,000 pesos; to a 
Spanish woman who marries a Chinese mestizo, 
2,000 pesos; to a Filipino woman who marries a 
Spaniard, 2,000 pesos; to a Spanish woman who 
marries a Filipino chief, 3,000 or 4,000 pesos. Some 
mestizo and Filipino alcaldes-mayor of the provinces 
shall be appointed. It shall be ordered that when a 
Filipino chief goes to the house of a Spaniard, he 
shall seat himself as the latter's equal. In a word, by 
these and other means, the idea that they and the 
Castilians are two kinds of distinct races shall be 
erased from the minds of the natives, and the families 
shall become related by marriage in such manner that 


when free of the Castilian dominion should any ex- 
alted Filipinos try to expel or enslave our race, they 
would find it so interlaced with their own that their 
plan would be practically impossible. 

After some years, when this population was suf- 
ficiently trimmed off, an assembly of deputies shall 
be formed from the people, in order that they may 
hold sessions in Manila for two or three months 
every year. In those sessions they shall discuss pub- 
lic affairs, especially those treating of taxes and bud- 
gets. Then after some time of such political educa- 
tion, our government may be withdrawn without 
fear, fixing before doing that the kind of government 
that is to be established -probably some constitutional 
form analogous to those of Europe, with a royal 
prince at its head chosen from among our infantes. 

My task is concluded. Which of the two plans, 
above analyzed, it is the most just or advisable to 
follow, does not concern me to recommend, much 
less propose. 

I will add, however, a page to express my opinion 
as an individual of the Spanish nation. If I had to 
choose I would vote for the last. I cannot see what 
benefits we have had from the colonies: depopula- 
tion, decadence in the arts, and the public debt, which 
come in great measure from them. The interest of a 
state consists, as I see it, in having a dense and well- 
educated population, and I do not speak only of 
literary or political education, but of that general 
education, which makes each one perfect in his trade, 
I mean in that education which constitutes a cabinet- 
maker, a weaver, a blacksniith, the best cabinet- 
maker, weaver, or blacksmith possible. The greater 


or less number of machines is, in our century, an al- 
most sure thermometer by which to gage the power 
of empires. 

A colony cannot be useful except with the end of 
filling one of the following three objects : to make of 
it a tributary country, for the increase of the income 
of the mother-country (as Holland effects by means 
of a compulsory and exclusive system) ; to erect it 
into a second country, and a place of immigration of 
the surplus population (such as are especially Aus- 
tralia, Van Diemen's land and New Zealand) ; fi- 
nally to procure in it, a place wherein to expend the 
products of the national manufactures (as is the 
principal aim of the modern colonial establish- 
ments). For the first, we have already seen that the 
Filipinas are a poor resource, and will be for a long 
time ; and I shall not wonder that before losing them, 
they will cost us, on the contrary, some millions. As 
for the second, they are not necessary, for we have 
no surplus population to unload. And for the third 
they are useless, for we ourselves have no manufac- 
tures to export. Barcelona, which has the most fac- 
tories in the Peninsula, does not have the least direct 
communication with the islands. All that is taken 
there from Cadiz consists of a little paper, oil, and 
liquors. If it were not for the tobacco and the pas- 
sengers who go and come, one or two vessels annually 
would be enough to take care of all the mercantile 
speculations between both countries. [Separation 
will not deprive Spain of a future rich market in the 
Philippines, as the case of the American colonies and 
England shows. Even if Spain should have a sur- 
plus population within a century, the Philippines 
will also have no lack of inhabitants, and it will be 


necessary for the Spaniards to emigrate to the Mari- 
anas. Mas is not concerned by the argument that 
separation would mean the loss of the Christian re- 
ligion in the islands. To the argument that the is- 
lands might fall into the hands of the British, French, 
Dutch, or Chinese, he asks why Spain should become 
a knight errant for all unprotected peoples. Span- 
iards in the islands can always return to Spain. Peo- 
ple assert that since Spain has spent over 300,000,- 
000 pesos on the islands, it is but proper that that 
country be reimbursed ; but although it has also spent 
much on the holy land, it never expects any return 
therefor. Let the Filipinos pay heavier taxes under 
their own government; why is that any concern? 
Even if ninety per cent of the population should de- 
sire to remain under Spain's domination, that is no 
sign that there may not be a better condition.] In 
conclusion, if we are conserving the islands for love 
of the islanders, we are losing our time, and merit, 
for gratitude is sometimes met with in persons, but 
never can it be hoped for from peoples ; and indeed 
through our love, why do we fall into an anomaly, 
such as combining our claim for liberty for our- 
selves, and our wish at the same time to impose our 
law on remote peoples? Why do we deny to others 
the benefit which we desire for our fatherland? By 
these principles of universal morality and justice, 
and because I am persuaded that in the midst of the 
political circumstances in which Espafia is at present, 
the condition of that colony will be neglected ; that 
none of the measures which I propose for its con- 
servation (this is my conviction) will be adopted; 
and that it will emancipate itself violently with the 
loss of considerable property and many lives of 


European Spaniards and Filipinos: I think that it 
would be infinitely more easy, more useful, and more 
glorious for us to acquire the glory of the work by 
being the first to show generosity. Hence, the for- 
eign authors who have unjustly printed so many cal- 
umnies against our colonial governments, authors 
belonging to nations who never satisfy their hunger 
for colonies, would have to say at least this once: 
"The Spaniards crossing new and remote seas, ex- 
tended the domain of geography by discovering the 
Filipinas Islands. They found anarchy and despot- 
ism there, and established order and justice. They 
encountered slavery and destroyed it, and imposed 
political equality. They ruled their inhabitants with 
laws, and just laws. They christianized them, civ- 
ilized them, defended them from the Chinese, from 
Moro pirates, and from European aggressors; they 
spent much gold on them, and then gave them lib- 

^* In 1803 a Spanish pamphlet was published at Philadelphia, 
advocating the opinion that Spain " ought to get rid of all her colo- 
nics in America and Asia, in order to promote agriculture and in- 
dustries in the Peninsula ; " it is attributed to the Marques de 
Casa Irujo (Vindel, Catdlogo biblioteca filipinas no. 1797). 


Communication from the intendant of the army and 
treasury [Intendente de Ejercito y Hacienda^ of 
the Filipinas Islands, Don Juan Manuel de la 
Matta/^ to the governor and captain-general of 
said islands, Don Marcelino Orad, in regard to the 
moral condition of the country after the insurrec- 
tion of a portion of the troops of the third regiment 
of the line, which happened at daybreak of the 
twenty-first of last January; and declaration of the 
chief legislative reforms, and of the peremptory 
measures of precaution and security, demanded by 
said condition. 

[The recent disaffection of a portion of the Philip- 
pine troops has caused the government to issue in- 
structions in case of the occurrence of any excite- 
ment, insurrection, or alarm in the city of Manila 
and its environs. Matta, on receiving these in- 
structions, has transmitted secretly to the commander 
of the revenue guard ^^ (whom he has advised in case 

^° Matta took possession of the above office on June 2, 1841; 
he had long been connected with the affairs of the colony. In 1837 
he had drawn up a detailed report on the advantage which would 
result from introducing steamboats into the islands. (Montero y 
Vidal, Hist, de Filipinas, ii, p. 573.) 

^^ Cuerpo del Resguardo : the guards employed by the treasury 
to look after the customs and excise duties on the government mo- 
nopolies of tobacco, wines, liquors, etc. 


of any danger to assemble all his command in the 
tobacco factory of Binondo) the portion of the in- 
structions that concerns him. Also the forces of the 
station of San Fernando are to be embarked on the 
boats in the river belonging to the revenue guard, 
and placed in command of the port captain. In ad- 
dition to the instructions above cited, it seems advis- 
able, *^ considering the moral condition of the coun- 
try, to adopt radical measures to avoid the evil before 
having to punish it, thereby to shelter the colony 
from new seditions, which cannot be repeated with- 
out imminent risk of sad consequences." The sup- 
pression of the attempts of the insurgents and the 
calming of Manila was due to the loyalty of the ar- 
tillerymen quartered at the fort of Santiago and the 
presence of other loyal troops.] 

The sedition of Apolinario^^ in the province of 

^^ For accounts of the confraternity of San Jose, see Manuel 
Sancho's Relacion expresiva de los principales acontecimientos de la 
titulada Cofradia del senor San Jose (first published by W. E. 
Retana in La Politica de Espanay no. 21, et seq,) ; Memoria hh- 
torica de la conducta militar y politica del Teniente General D, 
Marcelino Orad (Madrid, 1851), probably written by Pedro 
Chamorro; and Montero y Vidal, Hist, gen., iii, pp. 37-56. This 
confraternity was founded by Apolinario de la Cruz, a Tagalog, 
a native of Lucban in the province of Tayabas, who was a donne 
in the hospital of San Juan de Dios in Manila. The new confra- 
ternity soon had many adherents in the provinces of Tayabas, La- 
guna, and Batangas, and in the middle of 1840 began to hold meet- 
ings in Lucban, to which both sexes were admitted, and at which 
letters from Apolinario were read. The attention of the friar par- 
ish priests was directed to the confraternity, and the meeting of 
October 19, 1840 was surprised and about 243 persons out of the 
500 or 600 attending it, arrested. The governor of Tayabas prov- 
ince, however, who regarded the matter as entirely one of eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction, ordered the prisoners to be released. Through 
the representations of the parish priest of Lucban, the provincial 
governor finally intervened, and the adherents to the confraternity 
thereupon held their meetings secretly in Majayjay in Laguna 
Province. The meeting of Sept. 19, 1841, at the latter place, was 

1841-1898] MATTA'S REPORT 93 

Tayabas, at the end of October, 1841, and the in- 
surrection of part of the third regiment of the line, 
which occurred in the capital at daybreak of Jan- 
uary 21,^® have in little more than one year placed 

surprised and some arrests made, although but few, as information 
of the intended raid had been received. The departure of the pro- 
vincial governor of Tayabas, Joaquin Ortega, for Manila, was fa- 
vorable to the new sect, as a native adherent or sympathizer was 
left in charge of the government. Through his acquiescence, the 
members of the confraternity who had gathered in armed bands 
at the village of Bay in Laguna (where they were joined by Apoli- 
nario, who had fled from Manila), were allowed to ensconce them- 
selves in Igsaban, Tayabas. From thence they opened negotiations 
with the government at Tayabas to be allowed to occupy that city, 
the substitute governor requesting from the parish pri^t that they 
be allowed to hold a novena in his church. Negotiations failed, and 
Ortega, returning on the twenty-second of October, ordered the 
natives to disperse, and on their refusal attacked them the next 
day with a force of over three hundred men. The natives, aided 
by a band of Negritos who had joined them, repulsed this force 
and killed Ortega, and then retired to Alitao to celebrate a no- 
vena. There they were attacked on the first of November by a 
force composed of troops sent by Oraa, and those of the province 
of Tayabas, and after a severe engagement the natives were de- 
feated. Apolinario, who fled, was soon captured and shot on the 
fourth, others of the leaders being also arrested. Apolinario was 
but twenty-seven years old, and evidently worked on the supersti- 
tious nature of his countrymen, who believed that he was immune 
from danger and that the rebel forces would be aided by the direct 
intervention of heaven. His followers baptized him under the 
name of " The king of the Tagalogs." No one except pure-blood- 
ed natives were allowed to become members of the organization, 
from which circumstance the Spaniards have always professed to 
believe that the confraternity was political in nature and that re- 
ligious motives were merely a blind. Some (as in VindeFs Catd- 
logo biblioteca filipina, no. 1895) assert that the confraternity was 
a sort of Katipunan. It is quite probable, however, that its origin 
was entirely religious, but religion mingled with superstition and fa- 
naticism. The fact that Apolinario attempted to legalize the ex- 
istence of the organization through both ecclesiastical and govern- 
ment centers, which was refused in both instances, indicates that 
the insurrection was forced by the Spaniards, through either fear 
or contempt. It is highly unlikely that the organization had at 
the beginning any political motive, and its attempted suppression 
was a mistake of the religious and civil authorities. 

^^ The defeat and slaughter of the members of the confraternity 


these important possessions at the verge of a terrible 
civil war, and have compromised great interests. 

[The discipline of the third regiment of the line 
before the insurrection was poor, a fact that was at- 
tributed, among other things, to the bad condition of 
the barracks. On the other hand, a corps composed 
of native troops recruited from Manila and the 
neighboring places remained loyal, and was used to 
good effect in putting down the insurrection. In the 
opinion of many, native troops officered by Span- 
iards (even to the sergeants and corporals) would 
prevent disaffection in the future, and be much better 
than Peninsular troops. In this treatise it is Matta's 
purpose to set forth " the measures by which the tran- 
quillity of these inhabitants and the conservation of 
this precious portion of the Spanish monarchy, will 
be conserved in the future." The moral condition 
of the islands is most delicate and merits the close at- 
tention of the government, ^^ and most especially of 
your Excellency, to whom is chiefly confided the 
tranquillity and conservation of these important pos- 
sessions - which now demand radical administra- 
tional and economic reforms that will permit the de- 
velopment of the wealth of their fertile soil, and the 
welfare of all their inhabitants; and peremptory 

of San Jose angered the native soldiers from the Province of Taya- 
bas, who were quartered in Malate. Conspiring with some of the 
garrison of the fort of Santiago, also from the same province, they 
attacked and took that fort Jan. 20, 1843, under the leadership 
of two brothers (mestizos and officers of the regiment), after kill- 
ing the officers on guard. The mutiny was quickly stifled by Oraa, 
and the commander of the insurgents, a sergeant, Samaniego, and 
some of the other leaders were shot on the twenty-second at the 
camp of Bagumbayang. The other native soldiers remained loyal 
and aided in quelling the mutiny. See Montero y Vidal, Hist, de 
Filipinos^ iii, pp. 58, 59, and note. 

1841-1898] matta's report 95 

measures of foresight and security, which will render 
those advantages lasting, keep the country loyal, and 
inalterably bind the union of the islands with the 
mother-country. " In consequence of the civil wars 
in Spain, the Spanish government has been com- 
pelled to draw heavy sums against the treasury of 
the Philippines, by which not only has the treasury 
been exhausted but a debt of more than four million 
pesos incurred -a debt that cannot be met for 
years, "both because the needs of the colony are 
increasing annually, and because the remainder 
left from the revenues, after covering the ordinary 
obligations of the budgets, is almost all spent in to- 
bacco leaf, which is sent for the comsumption of the 
mother-country, in accordance with the orders of the 
government. " In regard to the military defense of 
the country, conditions are as bad. "There are but 
few arms and they are in poor shape. The provinces 
are undefended. The army is composed almost ex- 
clusively of natives, and they are so few in number 
that the army is insufBcent to defend the capital and 
fort of Cavite in case of a foreign invasion." Indeed, 
in case of invasion it might be best to raze the fortifi- 
cations built at the expense of so great sacrifices.] 

In general there is to be seen considerable indif- 
ference, and even disaffection, to Peninsular inter- 
ests. Ideas of emancipation are sheltered in many 
bosoms. Discontent swarms in all places. It is given 
utterance with effrontery, and is developed and fo- 
mented in various manners. Since the beginning of 
the colony, boldness, deceit, and acrimonious speech 
have had a foremost seat, but greed is today the domi- 
nant passion in the white people. Their needs are 
many and there are few means of satisfying them. 
The hot climate especially contributes to captious- 


ness, and the development of vehement passions. A 
multitude of jealous, complaining, and evil-inten- 
tioned men foment the discontent, to which also pu- 
sillanimous persons contribute by their indiscreet and 
excessive fear. Although by means of different pas- 
sions, there is a manifest tendency to constantly dis- 
credit the dispositions of the government, to attack 
maliciously the authorities who represent it, and to 
foment rivalry and discord among them, to which 
both the complexity of the legislation and the burn- 
ing climate lend themselves. Thus all concur in 
weakening the prestige that gives force to the govern- 
ment. The malcontents have the necessary time to 
gather new proselytes, to consolidate a faction against 
the mother-country, to prepare the will of the mass- 
es ; and they await the time and opportunity for the 
realization of their desires. This plan is not in writ- 
ing, but is engraven in the hearts of those who direct 
it, shows itself by its works, and is the result of the 
tendency of the age, of the calamitous circumstances 
in which the mother-country finds itself, and of the 
kind of abandonment in which these important pos- 
sessions are held. 

[Notwithstanding the royal order of April 25, 
1837, prohibiting publications that might disturb 
public order and weaken the prestige of the govern- 
ment, such publications have circulated freely in 
Manila, thus increasing the discontent. In such pub- 
lications the followers of Apolinario are called inno- 
cent, and the execution of the rebels in the camp of 
Alitao has been termed assassination. All things 
have combined to destroy in Manila ^* the prestige 
and moral force that have been hitherto the principal 
foundation of our domination. "] 

1841-1898] MATTA'S REPORT 97 

[Although the provinces are not yet so greatly dis- 
affected as is Manila], their moral condition is very 
different from that when they generally pro- 
nounced against the English in 1762 and gave the 
victory to Anda. Mejico belonged to Espana, and 
its treasury contributed to the support of the islands, 
which had the exclusive benefit of a traffic which the 
public especially valued, and whose conservation was 
inseparable from union to the mother-country. 
North- American independence and the French revo- 
lution had not yet come to fix the future destiny of 
all the colonial possessions of the world. ^^ The reg- 
ular clergy, the principal base of our domination, 
then exercised an influence over the inhabitants, 
which time has almost entirely vitiated. Little care is 
taken for the instruction of their members, from 
which it results that some of them with their gross 
manners, stupid pretensions, and exactions from the 
chiefs of the provinces, and the gobernadorcillos and 
notables of the villages, occasion anger, quarrels, and 
discord which disturb the quiet of the inhabitants, 

^® The Spanish government decided to aid France against Eng- 
land, and declared war against the latter power in June, 1779. The 
Spaniards aided the Americans against the British in Florida and 
Mississippi, and in March, 1780, captured Mobile. Martin A. S. 
Hume says in Modern Spain (New York, 1900), p. 6: "As 
Aranda himself foresaw, and set forth in a most remarkable proph- 
ecy, the aid lent by Spain to the revolt of the English North Amer- 
ican Colonies formed a dangerous precedent for the separation of 
her own colonial dominions, and promoted the establishment of a 
great Anglo-Saxon republic in America, which in time to come 
should oust Spain from her last foothold in the New World. * This 
new federal republic,' wrote Aranda to Floridablanca, * is, so to 
speak, born a mere pigmy, and has needed the support of two 
powerful nations like France and Spain to win its independence. 
But the day will come when it will grow into a giant, a terrible 
Colossus. It will then forget the benefits it has received, and 
think only of its own aggrandizement.' " 


distract and embarrass the authorities, and nourish 
those indiscreet and tenacious struggles in which all 
lose, and which have contributed so greatly to the rapid 
undermining of the base of our power in the prov- 
inces. The mistrust of a sad future leads many of 
them to engage in commercial business, and conduces 
to avarice and to a worldly life, so that they have lost 
their religious prestige, without gaining the respect 
and the consideration due to eminent and beneficent 
citizens. Without doubt there are respectable men 
among the individuals of the regular clergy, who, 
superior to circumstances, devote themselves entirely 
to the fulfilment of the duties of their sacred min- 
istry; who as true fathers of their parishioners, look 
carefully after their comfort and welfare; and who, 
for that reason possessing their esteem, are, conse- 
quently, one of the chief supports of the action of 
the government in the villages. It is with reference 
to these that I have remarked in another place that 
both religion and policy recommend them. Let all 
be placed in the same category, and let strict watch 
be put on the instruction and conduct of the parish 
priests, in which, truly, there is much to correct; and 
the happiness of the provinces will be secure, if, in 
addition, the improvements demanded by the state of 
civilization and of wealth in some of the provinces, 
and by the genius and circumstances of the various 
races inhabiting them, and the differences of the 
times in which we are living, are made in their gov- 
ernment and administration. 

For that purpose it must be kept in mind that am- 
bition is wont to affect the Spanish people trans- 
planted to these distant and hot climes ; that arrogant 
presumption is the distinctive characteristic of their 

1841-1898] matta's report 99 

descendants ; and we must consider duly the charac- 
teristic qualities of the natives. 

As I have remarked to your Excellency on a dif- 
ferent occasion, I consider the moral picture of the 
Indian as very difBcult to drav^, for frequently one 
finds united in him abjectness and ferocity, timidity 
and a wonderful fearlessness and courage in danger, 
and indolent laziness and slovenliness combined with 
industry and avaricious self-interest. It is impossible 
to represent exactly under one single stroke all the 
phases of their contradictory character. But in general 
the Indian is pacific, superstitious, indolent, respect- 
ful to authority, heedless, distrustful, and deceitful. 
Dominated by his first sensations, and most fertile in 
expedients to extricate himself from difficulties, or 
to carry out his design at a moment's notice, he must 
be considered as a minor who follows the dictates of 
his own will ; and, as such, he must be directed for 
his own good, his difficulties must be forestalled, cor- 
rected and punished. The natives are also spiteful 
and revengeful when they believe themselves offend- 
ed; and at such times, hiding their ill-will under the 
veil of a deceitful humility, they await the opportu- 
nity for satisfying it, and generally give rein sud- 
denly to their ill-will with perfidy and ferocity. 

[The contradictory character of the Filipino na- 
tive explains the ease with which a large province 
can be governed by one official with the aid of the 
parish priests and two or three dozen soldiers; while, 
on the other hand, the insurance companies of India 
refuse to stand the risks of mutiny in a vessel employ- 
ing half a dozen natives from Manila in its crew. 
The natives know no middle path between abject re- 
spect and insolent contempt, in their attitude toward 


the whites. In case of a foreign or internal war the 
governors or alcaldes-mayor of the provinces would 
be the least capable of directing aflfairs, because of 
their ignorance of the native languages and customs, 
and because they are in continual conflict with the 
natives over the collection of the tribute, while at the 
same time they exercise a monopoly in trade.] 

For a very long period the elements of discord 
among the authorities have been numerous for lack 
of a special and analogous legislation, enacted with 
regard to the genius and circumstances of the va- 
rious peoples inhabiting these islands and the enor- 
mous distance separating them from the mother- 
country. During these latter years, there have been 
heaped up on this unfavorable foundation the ele- 
ments emanating from the civil war which has cov- 
ered the mother-country with mourning, and those 
of our own political dissensions ; the development and 
tendencies of the revolutionary principles common to 
all the colonial possessions of the world, and which 
only force, supported by the interest of self-preserva- 
tion, is capable of restraining; and lastly the impres- 
sions which it has been impossible to keep from trans- 
mission to the natives and other races, in proportion 
as the knowledge of our language becomes general 
to them, and as they become civilized, and contract 
our tastes and necessities through the increase of com- 
merce and industry, and observe from anear the con- 
fusion resulting from our lack of harmony. This is, 
in my opinion, the chief cancer of this body politic, 
and will finish it very speedily unless your Excel- 
lency, acting with the discretion and the energy so 
strongly charged in the laws, and especially in the 
royal order of April 25, 1837, apply the remedy per- 
emptorily demanded by our situation. 

1841-1898] matta's report 1 01 

[Discord and confusion and the spirit of resistance 
are rife throughout the provinces. The events of 
1820 and 1823, the sedition of Apolinario in Octo- 
ber, 1 841, and the mutiny of the troops, although dif- 
ferent in their origin, all exhibit the "perfidy and 
ferocity that always accompany movements of color 
in Ultramar." The prestige of the government is 
weakened, which formerly was, with religion, the 
chief foundation of Spanish domination. The politi- 
cal factions that have arisen in the last six years, and 
which are now perfectly organized, are greatly to 
blame. The Peninsulars and Spanish Filipinos will 
end by destroying each other if the fitting remedy is 
not speedily applied. In a report made to the gov- 
ernment after the sedition of Apolinario had been 
put down, Matta said that the origin of the confra- 
ternity consisted " only in the character of the super- 
stition which distinguishes these natives, who most 
readily believe whatever is presented to them under 
the veil of religion and of the marvellous; asserted 
that it became fanaticism as soon as measures were 
taken against Apolinario and his confreres, and that 
it became a declared sedition when the unfortunate 
Ortega attacked them in Ygsaban with more valor 
than prudence; and that from that time presenting 
the appearance of a near insurrection in the neigh- 
boring provinces, it is to be feared that it would have 
been converted into a revolution capable of compro- 
mising the conservation of these important posses- 
sions had not the seditious ones been promptly de- 
feated and severely punished in Alitao. " Matta's 
report also said that probably Apolinario's expulsion 
from the hospital of San Juan de Dios in Manila, 
and the measures taken against his associates, to- 
gether with the suggestions of the adherents of in- 


dependence, contributed to the holding of the no- 
vena in Tayabas in spite of the precautions taken by 
the military and ecclesiastical authorities. These oc- 
currences were principally the eflfect of superstition 
and fanaticism; and although the ideas of emancipa- 
tion have been present in the Philippines, as in all 
colonies since the Spanish-American revolution, yet 
ideas of emancipation are limited in the islands to a 
few Spaniards who do not even form a political 
party, but only a crowd of complainers who are 
either not government employees, or are employees 
who take it ill that Spaniards are sent from the 
Peninsula to fill offices that they believe belong prop- 
erly to themselves.*'* The ideas of emancipation 
have not yet contaminated, nor will they in a long 
time contaminate the Chinese, the Chinese mestizos, 
Spanish mestizos, or the natives, with the exception 
of a few of the " secular clergy, as insignificant be- 
cause of their ignorance and few resources as by 
their lack of influence among their countrymen." 
Whatever be the opinions of the influential Span- 
iards born in the islands, they recognize that political 
upheavals would be as fatal to themselves as to the 
Peninsulars. In the insurrection of last January, 
among the six white officers assassinated or wounded, 
three of those killed and one wounded belonged to 
the revolting regiment, while the two remaining who 
were wounded were Europeans. The safety of all 
lies in the stability of the government; but it must be 
noted that events are daily more serious and that the 
discontent is spreading. Important reforms are nec- 
essary, but matters must be viewed only in the light 
of the public cause. '^ Without virtues there can be 

^^ See Mas's remarks in this connection, ante, pp. 32-34. 

1841-1898] matta's report 103 

no prestige; and, without prestige, it will also be 
impossible for the lesser part to dominate the great 
whole." The conservation of the islands depends 
on "radical reforms in their legislation, and peremp- 
tory measures of precaution and security. " Such re- 
forms are:] 

I St. The formation of a special law for these 
islands, analogous and framed with reference to the 
genius and circumstances of the various peoples in- 
habiting them, and to their great distance from the 
mother-country. [Matta believes in a law that will 
outline the duties of the governor and captain-gen- 
eral, and place under his general supervision real 
heads of the various departments of government, 
who shall be responsible. A Colonial Council or 
Cabinet for consultation on affairs of general public 
interest should also be formed.. This separation of 
duties into specific classes, the heads of each depart- 
ment to be subordinate to the governor, in accordance 
with law ii, titulo ii, book iii, will ensure the right 
use of the governing functions. To continue so many 
unconnected duties under the governor will only add 
to the confusion.] 

2d. The improvement of the government and ad- 
ministration of the provinces by organizing them 
with reference to their present state of civilization 
and wealth. For they cannot now, without serious 
inconveniences, without transcendental harm, have 
the government, judicial, military and revenue func- 
tions, together with commercial occupations and 
cares, united under one person alone. [The system 
of placing one person in command of all these de- 
partments is opposed to civilization and to the mer- 
cantile spirit that has penetrated into the provinces. 


Civil governors should be appointed who should 
have charge of the government, administration of 
justice, and the promotion of the welfare of the in- 
habitants. Such governors should have learned the 
native tongue and should know something of the na- 
tive manners and customs. The collection of tributes 
should not be entrusted to them, and their posts should 
be permanent, except for transfers, promotions, and 
suspension by the governor and captain-general, or 
sentence by the suitable tribunal. This will give 
such provincial chiefs the necessary prestige, in ac- 
cordance with the royal order of December 10, 1839. 
In the provinces, passion often takes the place of 
reason, and anything at all can be justified because 
of the facility with which the natives contradict and 
perjure themselves. The position of the provincial 
chief demands that his authority be very vigorous 
and held in respect. The native must be kept respect- 
ful by tact, justice, punishment, and energy. Jueces 
pesquisidores^^ and judges to take the residencia 
should not be sent to the provinces, as that tends to 
weaken the authority of the provincial chief. Easy 
recourse can be had in the provinces to the tribunals 
and superior authorities of the islands, while the na- 
tives and Chinese can appeal to their protectors, who 
are generally very zealous in their behalf.] 

3rd. The suppression of the colleges of Santo 
Tomas, San Jose,*^ and San Juan de Letran of this 

*^ Magistrates appointed to inquire into the circumstances of 
a violent death. 

^2 The college of San Jose sent out the following bishops: 
Jose Cabral, bishop-elect of Nueva Caceres; Rodrigo de la Cueva 
Jiron, bishop of Nueva Segovia; Francisco Pizarro de Orellana, 
bishop of Nueva Segovia; Jeronimo de Herrera, bishop of Nueva 
Segovia; Felipe de Molina y Figueroa, bishop of Nueva Caceres; 

1841-1898] matta's report 105 

capital, and the conciliar seminaries of the bishop- 
rics, as perpetual nurseries of corruption, laziness, 
or subversive ideas, as contrary to the quiet and wel- 
fare of the villages as to peninsular interests. [The 
suppression of the last three can be made at once, 
and they should be replaced with schools of agri- 
culture,*^ arts,** and commerce, which will conduce 
to the prosperity of the colony. As regards Santo 
Tomas, inasmuch as immediate suppression would 
anger the Spaniards and Chinese mestizos who have 
control of almost all the capital of the islands, a new 
plan should be adopted by which desire to attend it 
would be gradually decreased until it can be sup- 
pressed without any trouble. Sensible Spaniards gen- 
erally believe that the suppression of these institu- 
tions would conduce to the good of the islands and of 
Spain. From them come the swarms of ignorant 
and vicious secular priests, and the pettifogging 
lawyers, who stir up so much trouble among the na- 
tives, and cause the provincial chiefs so great incon- 

Domingo de Valencia, bishop of Nueva Caceres ; Jose de Andaya, 
bishop of Ovieda, Spain, bishop-elect of Puebla de los Angeles, 
Mexico, and archbishop of Mexico; and Ignacio de Salamanca, 
bishop of Cebu. The college also sent out one auditor, one royal 
treasurer, two alcaldes-mayor; 39 Jesuits (of whom three were 
martyrs), 4 provincials, 11 caked Augustinians, 10 Recollects, 8 
Franciscans, and 3 Dominicans. These statistics are given by Pablo 
Pastells in a letter in 1902, a translation of which is in the 
possession of Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. 

*^ Vindel says {Catdlogo biblioteca filipina^ no. 756) that 
the school of agriculture in Manila was organized by Rafael Gar- 
cia Lopez. In regard to this school, which was founded in 1889, 
see VOL. XLV, pp. 314-318. 

^* On May 4, 1869, a society was authorized for " the promo- 
tion of instruction in the arts and trades in the Filipinas Islands ; " 
but it was of short duration, as schools of this sort were soon af- 
terward established by the government. (Vindel, ut supra^ no. 
1661 ; see also vol. xlv of this series.) 


venience. Although not much attention is paid to 
this class, they are the most vicious and worth- 
less in the islands. Public convenience demands the 
teaching of agriculture, the arts, and commerce, in- 
stead of the theology and law to which the institu- 
tions above mentioned are devoted. It should not 
be forgotten that the Spanish-American revolutions 
were fostered by curas and lawyers, who since they 
know both the native language and Spanish, have 
great influence with the masses. The influence 
of the friar parish priests is now very much weak- 
ened, for they have almost entirely abandoned the 
spiritual administration to their native assistants. 
These assistants, by working on the superstitious 
character of the natives, can rouse them to any act 
that will satisfy their own desires for vengeance.] 

4th. The eternal abolition of the sentences of res- 
idencia, to which, as governors, the captains-general 
of the provinces of Ultramar are still subject. 
[These sentences have been of no use to the inhab- 
itants of the islands, but on the contrary of great 
harm. Appeal lies to the Audiencia from the judi- 
cial acts of the governor, and to the Spanish court 
from his purely administrational acts. The free 
press, in which all things are bruited, is also of great 
use. Communication with Spain is now frequent. 
The governor and the chief of the treasury have been 
divested of almost all governmental authority through 
the residencia. The judicial and contentious have in- 
vaded everything and obscured the action of the pro- 
vincial chiefs, as well as the superintendent and in- 
tendant and the governor. The chief authorities of 
the islands need more energy and freer action.] 

5th. [The adoption of various other legislative 

1841-1898] matta's report 107 

and economic measures which Matta has before pro- 
posed to the government] 

[Capitalists and workers are needed in the islands, 
but, in order to attract them, there must be govern- 
mental and administrational reforms. The natives 
must be considered and various reforms made con- 
cerning them, and the heavy tribute on the Chinese 
must be reduced to not more than the twelve reals 
per annum for those engaging in agriculture. The 
public wealth of the islands must be increased. 
Whites, Chinese, and mestizos must be encouraged 
to go to the islands in greater numbers, in order to 
correct the laziness of the natives, and, by their 
wealth and prestige, to offset the numerical majority 
of the natives. The increase of consumers in the 
islands will give a greater outlet to Spanish products 
from the Peninsula. The revenues must be increased 
in proportion to the public wealth, in order to sus- 
tain the increase of necessary forces.] 

[The reforms looking toward security and conserv- 
ation which are urgently demanded by the moral 
condition of the country are as follows:] 

I St. The reestablishment of the well-organized 
military commission of police, vigilance, and public 
safety. [This would be able to check all sorts of dis- 
order and conspiracy. Its members should be paid 
by the state, such pay to come from the licenses is- 
sued to travelers going to the interior, from licenses 
to carry arms, from fines, and from the fourth part 
of all contraband goods confiscated.] 

2d. The institution of night-watches in the city 
and villages outside its walls, which require them, as 
almost all the traders and a considerable portion of 
the white population live therein. [These night- 


watches would relieve the troops of patrol duty in 
many instances. They would be under the alcaldes- 
in-ordinary, and paid from the municipal funds.] 

3rd. The constant maintenance of a guard of at 
least one thousand European troops. [These are nec- 
essary for the garrisoning of the fort at Santiago, the 
palace, the Parian gate, and the other necessary 
points. Matta's plan also calls for the reestablish- 
ment of the Spanish guard of halberdiers of one hun- 
dred men, to act as interior palace guard, and serve 
as a source of supply for sergeants for the native 
regiments. He recommends the establishment of 
Tagalog academies in order that the Spanish offi- 
cers and sergeants may learn the native language. ^'^ 
Certain privileges are proposed for the European 
soldiers, whereby their pay may be greater than that 
of the native soldiers, for their necessities are greater. 
The term of service in the Philippines ought to be 
eight years, as provided by royal order of July 26, 
1836; but those who are fit ought to be allowed to 
reenlist and be transferred to the revenue guard 
[cuerpo del resguardo']^ in order to save cost on trans- 
portation. Matta is against having fewer Europeans 
in the service as has been urged by many persons of 
experience in the Philippines. The system outlined 
by him is not one merely of military occupation, but 
looks to a close bond with the mother-country and 
to the industrial development of the islands. Agri- 
culture is the best occupation for the whites, and is 
in fact the only one that will give a good comfortable 
living. A greater number of Europeans will mean 

^'^ Vindel mentions (Catdlogo biblioteca filipinay p. 50) "ar- 
rangements regarding the Philippine Institute, and chairs of 
Tagalog, Bisayan, and practical land-surveying," in the Boletin 
oficial del Ministerio de Ultramar, voL i. 

1841-1898] matta's report 109 

a greater proportion of mestizos;** and if these, to- 
gether with the Chinese and some of the whites, en- 
gage in agriculture they will throw their influence 
on the side of the government, because of self-inter- 
est. Exaggerated ideas are voiced regarding the Pen- 
insulars. They are never more dangerous than dur- 
ing the first few years in the islands ; but, as they be- 
come accustomed to the climate and learn to know 
the inhabitants, their ideas moderate. Consequently, 
for this reason, and because of the expense, Matta is 
against frequent reliefs of soldiers. Vacancies in the 
ranks should always be filled with recruits from 
Spain, and never with natives. Discipline must not 
be relaxed on the voyage from Spain; and the sol- 
diers must be kept in good form physically. A spe- 
cial boat is recommended for the transport of soldiers 
to and from Spain ; and cost of transport can be re- 

4th. The completion of the organization of the 
valuable corps of the revenue guards [cuerpo del res- 
guar do']. [This can be done by carrying out the royal 
order of October 18, 1837, and the three parts of the 
regulations drawn up by Matta's predecessor June 4, 

46 a There was still at Manila another caste of mestizos, orig- 
inating from Japanese and the Indian women. These Japanese 
landed on the island of LuQon, about fourscore years ago, in a dis- 
mantled vessel, and destitute of everything; I saw them in 1767. 
They numbered, I believe, at most sixty or seventy persons, all 
Christians. But as the form of government doubtless did not 
please them, nor perhaps did the Inquisition, they had demanded 
to return [to their own country] ; and all, or nearly all, actually 
departed in that same year, 1767, and returned to Japan, where 
they have probably resumed the faith of their fathers." (Le Gen- 
til, Voyage, ii, pp. 53, 54.) Concepcion states {Hist, de PhUipinas, 
vii, p. 6) that in 1658 a number of Christian Japanese were living 
in the barrio of San Anton, near Manila ; some of them had come 
on a Japanese ship that was driven to Cavite by storms, and re- 
mained with their countrymen at Manila. 


1 841, the first two parts of which have already been 
approved. Matta has endeavored without avail, and 
supported by various officials, to gain the governor's 
approval to the third part. The corps of the revenue 
guards is always loyal to the governor. With the in- 
crease provided in the plan for organization, this 
corps will be the most suitable to defend the country 
either against foreign or internal foes. Since the im- 
mediate object of the revenue guards is the custody, 
defense, and guard of the revenues, they ought to 
depend immediately on the treasury department, al- 
though they may be available when the public safety 
demands it for any other duty. By a decree of Mat- 
ta's predecessor, of April 25, 1839, the revenue 
guards of the various departments -those of the Bay, 
and of the tobacco and wine and liquor monopoly 
revenues -were united into one corps. This exten- 
sive corps, which absorbs annually the sum of 191,- 
589 pesos, has no adequate organization, a matter to 
which immediate attention should be given.] 

5th and last. That the attempt be made, in a truly 
impartial and foresighted system, to conciliate the 
minds of people, and to put an end to that pernicious 
mistrust that has been introduced between the pen- 
insular Spaniards and the sons of the country [/.^., 
the Spaniards born in the Philippines], which is so 
contrary to the common interest. [The government 
must not be partial to any one class of men, for each 
class contains good men who should be rewarded and 
advanced, and bad men who should be closely 
watched and punished. Merit should be the only 
cause for advancement. In closing Matta says that 
his private life in the islands and his long public serv- 

1841-1898] matta's report 1 1 1 

ice have given him abundant opportunity to observe 
and study people and conditions. This memorial is 
dated Manila, February 25, 1843.] *^ 

*^ A list of many practical plans and regulations for the benefit 
of the Philippine Islands, appearing in the Boletin oficial del 
Mini^terio de Ultramar (Madrid, 1875-83) may be found in Vin- 
del, ut suproy pp. 49, 50. Many other lists of interesting articles 
regarding the islands, found in periodical publications, are given 
therein, pp. 46-62; also in Selena's Recopilacion (p. 67). 



The "modern era" in the Philippine Islands- 
which indeed, in certain respects, did not really be- 
gin until after the establishment of American rule - 
coincides roughly with the last half of the nineteenth 
century. It is impossible to assign arbitrarily any 
date as precisely that of its commencement. One will 
be inclined to lay stress upon this or that circum- 
stance, and to choose this or that date, as he places 
importance mostly upon matters connected with eco- 
nomic development, or with social progress, or with 
political reforms. The truth is that there was ad- 
vancement in all these lines, as also there were hin- 
drances to progress in each of them, and that only by 
surveying it in each of these phases of its develop- 
ment can we come to understand in how considerable 
a degree Philippine society was remade during this 

Looking primarily at the expansion of trade and 
foreign relations, we might date the new era in the 
Philippines from the opening of the Suez Canal in 
1869. Yet that event, while greatly stimulating trade 
and agricultural development, did not inaugurate the 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I I 3 

modern era in that respect. The presence of foreign 
traders, introducing agricultural machinery and ad- 
vancing money on crops, was the chief stimulus to 
the opening of new areas of cultivation, the better- 
ment of methods of tilling and preparing crops for 
the market, and the consequent growth of exports; 
indeed, one may almost say that certain American 
(United States) and English trading houses nurtured 
the sugar and hemp crops of the Philippines into ex- 
istence. And their pioneer work in this respect was 
done before the opening of the Suez Canal brought 
the Philippines into vital touch with Europe by 
means of steam navigation -American influence be- 
ing then, in fact, already on the wane. One might 
more readily, from this point of view, assign impor- 
tance as a date to 1856, when Iloilo (and soon after 
Sebu) was opened to foreign trade (hitherto confined 
to one port of entry, Manila) and foreigners were 
permitted to open business houses outside of Manila 
and to trade and traffic in the provinces; or, even, to 
1859, when the first steam sugar-mill was set up in 
Negros island. But the entering wedge had been 
driven by foreign traders into Spain's policy of ex- 
clusion even before the cessation of the galleon- 
trade, the monopoly which confined Manila's trade 
to a few Spaniards resident there and their backers 
in Mexico, who saw in Manila only a depot of ex- 
change for Chinese and other Oriental commodities, 
and commonly despised the idea of giving any atten- 
tion to the crude products of the Philippines or en- 
deavoring to stimulate Philippine agriculture and 
exportation properly so called. From the date when 
this ruinous monopoly expired with the occupation by 
Mexican insurgents of Acapulco, the port to which 


the galleons brought their silks, cottons, etc., attention 
was perforce turned upon Philippine products as a 
source of trade, and Philippine exports began to 
grow. ^^ Spanish traders being too^ few, and utterly 
untrained in the ways of competition, and Spanish 
ships being scarce in the Orient, foreign traders and 
foreign ships gathered the bulk of the business even 
in the face of useless and annoying restrictions, until 
finally these foreigners had broken down the barriers 
sufficiently to enter and take a hand in actively fos- 
tering agricultural development in the Philippines. 
Hence, the opening of the Suez Canal only gave a 
new turn and a great acceleration to a movement that, 
as regards Philippine internal development, may 
more logically be dated from 181 5, the year of the 
last voyage of the galleon. 

In one sense, indeed, the opening of the Suez 
Canal tended to lessen, relatively, the influence of for- 
eign business and banking houses in the development 
of the Philippines, in that it led to direct steamship 
connection with Spain, awakening interest at home in 
this hitherto neglected colony and bringing to the 
Philippines for the first time in three hundred years 
more than a mere handful of Spaniards. After the 
early adventurers and encomenderos had disappeared, 
the number of Spanish civilians in private life was 
few indeed, numbering the favored merchants who 
had shares in the galleon trade-monopoly, and an oc- 
casional planter, descended perhaps from a family 
of encomenderos rooted in the Philippines, or being 

*® Some credit should also be given to the Royal Philippine 
Company {Real Compahia de Filipinas)^ which, though unsuc- 
cessful financially, stimulated considerably the development of 
Philippine agriculture between 1790 and 1820, after which year it 
did little until its dissolution. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I 1 5 

an ex-army officer who had remained in the islands. 
Moreover, the small army maintained in the islands 
was to a considerable extent officered by Mexican 
Creoles or half-castes, its soldiers being mostly Fili- 
pinos and Mexicans. The list of civilian officials was 
itself small, the governor (alcalde mayor) of a prov- 
ince combining with his executive functions and 
(very commonly) his command of the troops garri- 
soned therein, the powers of a superior judge for 
both civil and criminal jurisdictions. The members 
of the religious orders constituted the largest numer- 
ically, as well as the most influential, element of 
Spaniards in the Philippines. Outside of this class, 
the Spanish population of the archipelago, always 
very small even in its total, was mostly gathered in 
a few places, Manila containing by far the greater 
proportion. The general rule in the provinces was 
that only one white man, the friar-curate, was to be 
found in a town, a number of the smaller towns, more- 
over, not having a friar-curate, but a Filipino secu- 
lar priest. *^ The movement of Spaniards to the Phil- 

*^ Comyn's Estado says that in 18 10 the number of Spaniards, 
born in the Peninsula or elsewhere, and of Spanish mestizos, of 
both sexes and all ages, classes, and occupations, did not exceed 
3,500 to 4,000. Diaz Arenas {Memorias historicas y estadisticas 
de Filipinas; Manila, 1850) quotes official figures showing 293 
Spaniards settled in the provinces, outside of Manila and Tondo, 
in 1848; and he records 7,544 as the number of Spanish mestizos 
in the islands, including Tondo, as Manila province was then 
called. Cavada {Historia geografica, geologica y estadistica de 
Filipinas ] Manila, 1876), taking his figures apparently from the 
governmental statistics as to houses and their occupants for 1870, 
gives for that year 3,823 Spaniards (all but 516 of them males) 
from the Peninsula, and 9,710 " Filipino-Spaniards," the latter 
classification apparently including Spanish mestizos with such pure- 
blooded Spaniards as had been born in the Philippines. Among 
his Peninsular Spaniards would be included over 1,000 members 
of religious orders, an approximately equal number of soldiers, and 


ippines had, indeed, begun before the opening of the 
Suez Canal. The inauguration of the Spanish-Phil- 
ippine Bank in Manila in 1852 afforded evidence 

the civil officials of Spanish blood (except a relatively small num- 
ber born in the islands themselves, mostly in the minor categories 
of officials). J. F. del Pan {La poblacion de Filipinas ; Manila, 
1883), and F. Canamaque {Las islas Filipinas] Madrid, 1880) 
both report the parochial statistics of 1876 as showing the total of 
Spaniards, apart from members of the religious orders, the civil 
service, and the army and navy, to be 13,265; Canamaque speaks 
of this latter class as " Spaniards without official character (Pe- 
ninsulars and Filipinos),'' and Del Pan calls them "persons not 
subject to the capitation-tax on account of being of the Spanish 
race." At least some of the Spanish mestizos in the islands would 
appear to have been included in this total. A statistical resume 
for 1898 {La Politica de Espaha en Filipinas, 1898, pp. 87-92) 
gives the number of Spaniards in the Philippines at the end of 
Spanish rule as 34,000 (of whom 5,800 are credited as officers and 
employees of governments, 3,800 as the normal number of Span- 
iards in army and navy, and 1,700 as of the clerical estate). These 
figures, like various other estimates in pamphlets of recent years, 
are considerably exaggerated ; they are reconcilable only on the 
supposition that they include not only Spaniards of Philippine 
birth, but also Spanish mestizos. In 1903, only 3,888 Peninsu- 
lar Spaniards were found in the archipelago. The census of 1896 
would have shown separately Spaniards and Spanish mestizos; 
but it was not completed for all provinces, and has never been 
published. The foregoing estimates and figures do, however, show 
the great relative increase of Spaniards and Spanish influence in 
the Philippines in the latter part of the nineteenth century. 

Apropos of Mr. LeRoy's note the following is of interest as 
regards the population of the eighteenth century. " The number 
of Spaniards who are in the part of Manila not occupied by the 
friars is very inconsiderable; in 1767, they did not exceed eight 
hundred persons. It can be said that the friars are masters of 
the city, for all the houses, except perhaps five or six, belong to 
them. This makes a fine revenue for them, since the houses are 
very dear -from two hundred to four hundred piasters (one 
thousand to two thousand livres). They are still dearer in the 
suburb of Santa Cruz, where they are worth at least five hundred 
piasters, for it is there that all the foreign merchants from India 
or China lodge. Manila is still peopled by the Tagalogs, who are 
the natives at once of this city and of its bishopric; the Tagalogs 
serve the Spaniards as domestics, or live by some petty trade or 
occupation." (Le Gentil, Voyage, ii, p. 104.)- Eds. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I 1 7 

much less, however, of the growth of Spanish com- 
mercial interests than of a desire to foster the growth 
of such interests by supplying credit facilities more 
nearly up to date than those hitherto available (at 
ruinous rates of interest) from the old '* pious funds" 
[obras pias^ of various sorts, especially since the for- 
eign trading houses were virtually performing the 
functions of banks in their ways of extending credit 
to agriculturists, or were being aided by private 
bankers associated with them.^® * The loss of Spain's 
colonies on the mainland, besides turning many loyal 
or proscribed Spaniards toward Cuba and the Penin- 
sula, had in a small degree encouraged such emi- 
gration to the more distant Philippines, and the his- 
tory of certain of the most prominent Spanish 
families in the Philippines dates from the decades 
immediately following the political upheavals in 
Spanish-America. In the main, however, such im- 
migrants as came to the Philippines in this way were 
government employees who, being ousted from the 
American continent, must rest as pensioners on 
the home government if the latter could not find 
them places in the Spanish Antilles or the Philip- 
pines, Such immigration, it need not be said, was 
not altogether an unmixed good; and some of the 
various " administrative reforms " designed for the 
Philippines in the fifties and sixties showed the in- 
fluence of this pressure to provide places for office- 
holders with a claim on the government The num- 
ber of Spaniards who came to the Philippines on 
their private initiative was very small until direct 

*®*"The Spanish-Filipino Bank, the oldest bank in the islands, 
was founded (1852) by an order of the Spanish government unit- 
ing the obras pias funds of the four orders of friars in the Philip- 
pines." {Census of Philippine Islands, iv, p. 541).- Eds. 


Steam communication with the Peninsula was opened, 
and though it never became large during the last 
thirty years of Spanish rule, Spanish commercial in- 
terests in the islands gained relatively on those of 
foreigners after the opening of the canal. A direct 
steamship line from Barcelona was soon established 
under subsidy. The domestic shipping laws of 
Spain were even more fully extended over the Phil- 
ippine archipelago, and the already existing prefer- 
ential customs duties and regulations aided the 
growth of Spanish trade in the islands thereafter 
more than they had done before.^^ 

The opening of the Suez Canal and the entry of 
Spaniards into the archipelago in greater numbers 
marks an epoch even more in a social way than as 
respects trade and commerce. And the new social 
era then inaugurated was closely allied thencefor- 
ward with the discussion of political reforms, with 
the essay of some such reforms on the part of govern- 
ment, and finally with an organized Filipino propa- 
ganda for greater social and political freedom. 
When the Spanish revolution of 1868 occurred the 
Philippines were still far remote from the mother- 
country, with its disturbing agitations, wherein vio- 
lence and utopianism were destined to prepare the 
way for the reaction ; the new governor-general sent 
out by the reformers who expelled Isabel II came to 
Manila by the Cape of Good Hope, the old voyage 
which took four months or more to bring even the 
news of what was going on in Spain. The Consti- 
tution of 1868 had been proclaimed in the Philip- 

^^ In the tariff revision of 1891, Spanish goods In Spanish ships 
were made free of customs duties in Philippine ports; prior to 
that time they had, as a rule, paid one-half the duties assessed on 
foreign goods. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I 1 9 

pines but a few months back when, early in 1870, the 
first steamer arrived direct from Barcelona via Suez. 
Thenceforward, the capital of this remote Spanish 
outpost in the Orient was but one month distant from 
Barcelona for mail and passengers; soon after ocean 
cables to the ports of China (eventually extended to 
Manila) put the Philippines in daily touch, as it 
were, with important occurrences in Spain. The old 
regime of slumbering exclusion, already breaking 
down under the influence of trade, was ended. 

The influx of Spaniards from this time forward 
had in it, from the first to the last, more of " politics " 
than of individual initiative. More of them came 
out to take governmental positions than to engage in 
trade, or, less frequently, in agriculture, though many 
who lost their places by changes in administration 
stayed in the islands and occupied themselves in pri- 
vate enterprises. It was the "reformers" of the 
revolutionary period in Spain who first undertook to 
make a " clean sweep " of the ofl5ces in the Philip- 
pines, putting in their friends. Administrative re- 
forms, and to a considerable extent a change of offi- 
cials, was needed; but a more or less complicated 
bureaucracy was introduced along with some lauda- 
ble reforms, and there was then inaugurated the 
pernicious custom of changing the lower Spanish 
officials in the Philippines, as well as the higher, 
with every change of administration in Spain -the 
"dance and counter-dance of employees," as one 
writer has named it.'*^ 

^^ In 1898, for instance, when the war with the United States 
began, the governor-general of the Phih'ppines who had recently 
negotiated a peace with the insurgent chiefs, had just turned over 
his place to a new man, a stranger in the islands, and sailed for 
home. The new Liberal administration, which came into power 


There is undoubtedly some truth in the charge 
made by the defenders of the Philippine friars that 
the entry of Spaniards, especially officeholders, dur- 
ing the latter part of the nineteenth century lowered 
the prestige of the Spanish name in the islands, and 
was a cause (the friars would make it the chief or 
sole cause) of the discontent, eventually the rebel- 
lion, of the Filipinos. Administrative reforms, some 
of which were highly beneficial, such as the aboli- 
tion of the tobacco monopoly'^ and the reorganiza- 
tion of provincial governments, nevertheless had the 
chief effect, in the eyes of the Filipinos, of raising 
direct taxes and of burdening them with the support 
of new sets of officeholders, whose presence was not 
infrequently distasteful. By far too large a propor- 
tion of these officeholders, who came out to an un- 
healthful clime to take places which were miserably 
paid and might be taken away from them in two or 
three years, were concerned rather with the " pick- 
ings" than with the duties attached to their offices. 
Some were openly contemptuous of the natives, and 
thus helped to destroy the former good feeling be- 
tween the races. The grievance of the friars was, 
however, far more frequently vented upon a class of 
Spanish officeholders quite different from those who 
gained odium through tyranny or corruption or both ; 
the special hostility of the friars was visited upon 
their countrymen who gained great popularity with 

in Spain in October, 1897, had also sent to the Philippines a new 
set of provincial governors, to take the place of men who had 
served, in many cases, less than two years. Some of these new 
governors had not gone to their posts when Commodore Dewey's 
squadron arrived, and they were consequently blockaded in Ma- 

'^^ This was accomplished on December 31, 1882- (but see 
post J p. 141). -Eds, 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 2 1 

the natives, because of their more democratic beliefs 
and manners. Such men were commonly of the anti- 
clerical party in Spain, and the bitterest element in 
home politics was thus transferred to the Philippines. 
One may recognize that such men were all too com- 
monly quixotic and indiscreet, as Spanish Liberals 
notoriously are. To refuse to kiss the friar's hand, 
and to speak contemptuously of him and all his kind 
(perhaps even to stir up scandal against them), may 
have seemed to such men a very natural and proper 
method of asserting their political beliefs and their 
sense of individual independence ; yet the friars have 
rightly said that such actions, and the many things 
growing out of them, struck a blow at the very foun- 
dations of the structure upon which Spanish suprem- 
acy had been built in the islands. Hence it was that 
not infrequently a more far-seeing Liberal, after 
some years of experience in the islands, would come 
out as a defender of the Philippine friars and 
their views as to the political regime to be main- 
tained there ; he would perhaps explain it by saying 
that he was *^ a Liberal at home, but in the Philip- 
pines all ought to be Spaniards and only that.'' 

Even if we give full faith to the complaints of 
the friars' defenders on this score -and their repre- 
sentations of the last half of the nineteenth century 
are very one-sided -even if we admire and accept as 
truthful the picture they draw of a sort of Eden in 
the Philippines back of i860, and particularly in the 
two preceding centuries, wherein the humble Fili- 
pino lived practically free of taxation, exempt from 
abuses from above, guileless of serious crime, and 
watched over by a paternal superior who directed his 
steps to the eternal bliss of the other world : still. 


accepting the friars' case at its face value, it is plain 
that they asked for and expected the impossible when 
they fought to perpetuate medieval conditions in a 
country opened to trade and commerce and to mod- 
ern thought and contact with the world at large. 
We may doubt that ignorance was bliss even in the 
'' good old days ; " but it was certain that those days 
must come to an end when the Philippines were 
awakened by steamships, telegraph lines, newspapers, 
and books (even though under clerical and political 
censorship). Clear-sighted prophecy was that of 
Feodor Jagor, the German scientist who traveled 
through the Philippines just before i860, and who, 
though he found much to praise in the old paternal 
regime, said: 

^^ The old situation is no longer possible of mainte- 
nance, with the changed conditions of the present 
time. The colony can no longer be shut off from the 
outside. Every facility in communication opens a 
breach in the ancient system and necessarily leads 
to reforms of a liberal character. The more that 
foreign capital and foreign ideas penetrate there, 
the more they increase prosperity, intelligence, and 
self-esteem, making the existing evils the more in- 
tolerable." ^^ 

^^ F. Jagor, Reisen in den Philippinen (Berlin, 1873), p. 287. 

Also of interest in this connection are Jagor's remarks in the 
following two citations from the same book (pp. 288 and 289, 
respectively). " Government monopolies mercilessly administered, 
grievous disregard of the Creoles and the rich mestizos, and the 
example of the United States, these were the principal causes of 
the loss of the American possessions [of Spain] ; and the same 
causes are menacing the Philippines also. Of the monopolies suf- 
ficient account has been given in the text. Mestizos and Creoles 
are not, it is true, shut out, as formerly in America, from all of- 
fices; but they feel that they are deeply injured and despoiled by 
the crowds of office seekers whom the frequent changes of minis- 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 23 

The echoes of Spanish partisanship and the talk 
of nineteenth-century reforms had been heard in the 
Philippines before the revolution of 1868 and the 

ters at Madrid bring to Manila. Also the influence of the Ameri- 
can elements is at least discernible on the horizon, and will come 
more to the front as the relations of the two countries grow 
closer. At present these are still of little importance ; in the mean- 
time commerce follows its old routes, which lead to England and 
the Atlantic ports of the Union. Nevertheless, he who attempts 
to form a judgment as to the future destiny of the Philippines 
cannot fix his gaze only on their relations to Spain; he must also 
consider the mighty changes which within a few decades are be- 
ing effected on that side of our planet. For the first time in the 
world's history, the gigantic nations on both sides of a gigantic 
ocean are beginning to come into direct intercourse: Russia, 
which alone is greater than two divisions of the world together; 
China, which within her narrow bounds contains a third of the 
human race; America, with cultivable soil enough to support al- 
most three times the entire population of the earth. Russia's future 
role in the Pacific Ocean at present baffles all calculations. The 
intercourse of the two other powers will probably have all the 
more important consequences when the adjustment between the 
immeasurable necessity for human labor-power on the one hand, 
and a correspondingly great surplus of that power on the other, 
shall fall on it as a problem." "But in proportion as the com- 
merce of the western coast of America extends the influence of 
the American elements over the South Sea, the ensnaring spell 
which the great republic exercises over the Spanish colonies will 
not fail to assert itself in the Philippines also. The Americans 
appear to be called upon to bring the germ planted by the Span- 
iards to its full development. As conquerors of the New World, 
representatives of the body of free citizens in contradistinction to 
the nobility, they follow with the axe and plow of the pioneer 
where the Spaniards had opened the way with cross and sword. 
A considerable part of Spanish America already belongs to the 
United States, and has, since that occurred, attained an importance 
which could not have been anticipated either during Spanish rule 
or during the anarchy which ensued after and from it. In the 
long run, the Spanish system cannot prevail over the American. 
While the former exhausts the colonies through direct appropria- 
tion of them to the privileged classes, and the metropolis through 
the drain of its best forces (with, besides, a feeble population), 
America draws to itself the most energetic elements from all lands ; 
and these on her soil, free from all trammels, and restlessly push- 
ing forward, are continually elxtending further her power and in- 


opening of the Suez Canal, though it was only after 
these events that the people generally began to be 
stirred, and then only in the most populous districts. 
Because the clerical influence was all-powerful any- 
way, and the whole fabric of Philippine government 
reposed upon it, Carlism was felt in the islands be- 
fore 1850 rather as an influence in certain military 
mutinies and as a source of strife between rival sets 
of civil officials than as involving primarily a defense 
of ecclesiastical privilege. Foremost among the 
events of the decade preceding the revolution of 
1868 may be put the return of the Jesuits to the 
islands in 1859 (allowed by decree of 1852) and the 
beginning of educational reform with the decrees of 
1863 ordering the establishment of a normal school 
and of primary schools under government control 
and supported directly by the local governments.'^^ 
The Jesuits had already opened a secondary school 
in Manila, introducing for the first time something 
besides merely theoretical instruction in natural sci- 

fluence. The Philippines will so much the less escape the influ- 
ence of the two great neighboring empires, since neither the islands 
nor their metropolis are in a condition of stable equilibrium. It 
seems desirable for the natives that the opinions here expressed 
shall not too soon be realized as facts, for their training thus far 
has not sufficiently prepared them for success in the contest with 
those restless, active, most inconsiderate peoples ; they have dreamed 
away their youth.'* Some writers have carried the evolution one 
step farther, as for instance, the following: See Count Edward 
Wilczek's interesting study on " The historical importance of the 
Pacific Ocean,'* in H. F. Helmolt's History of the World (N. Y., 
1902), i, pp. 566-599; he predicts a future contest which "will 
have to decide whether, by the permanent occupation of the north- 
ern Pacific, the white race shall accomplish its world-embracing 
destiny, or whether, with the goal already in sight, and for the 
first time in its history, it will have to make way for a stronger ** - 
that is, for the yellow race, in the form of Japan and China.- Eds. 
^* See the most important of these decrees in our educational 
appendix, vol. xlvi.- Eds. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 25 

ences, and more modern methods of instruction gen- 
erally. Their secondary school was subsidized by 
the city government of Manila, their meteorological 
observatory was subsidized by the insular govern- 
ment, which also employed them to inaugurate and 
conduct the new normal school." From this time 
forward the Society was both directly and indirectly 
a stimulus to educational progress in the Philippines, 
was influential both in diffusing more generally pri- 
mary instruction and in improving methods and wid- 
ening curriculums of higher instruction. In a large 
degree, the educational program remained to the end 
of Spanish rule a pretentious but most superficial 
thing, more sounding brass than solid achievement. 
But we may fairly date a new epoch in this respect 
from the return of the Jesuits and the decrees of 

In another way the return of the Jesuits is to be 
associated with the beginning of a new era in the 
islands. They were not permitted to resume the 
parochial benefices which their order had held prior 

^'^ In 1899 and 1900, the American government continued the 
subsidies to the Jesuits to sustain the normal school and Manila 
Ateneo. With the estabh'shment, however, of an educational sys- 
tem under the Taft Commission, the subsidy to the Ateneo was 
withdrawn and a Manila public high school established. The nor- 
mal school was established in the old buildings of the exposition 
of 1887, and was the first special school organized under Dr. At- 
kinson. The vacation normal school is due to Dr. Barrows, who 
established it in the spring vacation of 1901, in order that the 
teachers from the provinces might be gathered together for brief 
instruction in new methods, exchange of ideas, and general in- 
spiration. The regular normal school has been a very notable fea- 
ture since 1901, and in some ways the most striking thing in the 
new school system. Its woman's dormitory has been a center of 
Filipino gatherings and a constant theme of praise by the Filipino 
press. (From a previous communication to the Editors by J. A. 
LeRoy.) See vol. xlvi, p. 95, note.- Eds. 


to their expulsion in 1768, but were to engage in 
missions in Mindanao and in educational and scien- 
tific work. Their resumption of the old missions in 
Mindanao was accomplished at the expense of the 
order of Recollects, which was thereupon given the 
provision of certain parishes, including several 
wealthy parishes in Luzon, which had for greater 
or less intervals been held by the more prominent 
and able of the secular priests, Filipinos of pure na- 
tive blood or half-castes.^^ The cabildo of the Manila 
cathedral, including the more notable of the secular 
priests, and the curates of the few conspicuous par- 
ishes (in central Luzon) which it fell to the lot of 
the secular clergy to occupy, had come to regard 
these benefices as their property, in a "corporate" 
sense, as it were, quite as each religious order felt 
that certain parishes, or whole provinces " belonged " 
to it as an order. It is significant that here, for the 
first time, one notes a feeling of solidarity among the 
Filipino secular clergy -for the demonstration of 
which feeling one has looked in vain, except in iso- 
lated cases, prior to that time, above all in connection 
with the effort (1770) of the Spanish archbishop, 
Santa Justa y Rufina, to secularize the parishes and 
displace the friars with native priests. Only the 
bolder of the Filipino priests expressed the com- 
plaints of their fellows, even now, and open talk of 
a campaign for secularization of all the parishes was 

^® This exchange of Mindanao missions by the Recollects for 
parishes in and around Manila and in Mindoro was closely con- 
nected with the pro-seculars' campaign made in Manila and Ma- 
drid at that time -Father Burgos of the Cathedral standing out 
preeminently on behalf of his fellows the native priests, a direct 
step in the way toward his execution in connection with the Cavite 
mutiny of 1872. (James A. LeRoy, in a personal letter dated 
January 6, 1906.) See xxviii, pp. 342, 343.- Eds. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 27 

scarcely heard until some courage was infused into 
these few and the small party of Filipino Liberals 
(mostly half-castes or Spaniards of Philippine birth) 
after the revolution of 1868 and the arrival of a gov- 
ernor-general who permitted public demonstrations 
in behalf of Liberal reforms. From the time of the 
execution of three Filipino priests for alleged com- 
plicity in the Cavite mutiny of 1872 "-the proofs of 
whose guilt the public has not seen, if the military 
courts which tried them did - there was added to the 
campaign for the expulsion of the friars ^^ on account 
of their landed estates and of their stifling of intel- 
lectual freedom the demand that Philippine parishes 
be entrusted to a native priesthood. Only since 
American occupation has the demand for a national 
clergy found full expression, but it had for a quarter 
of a century before that been an important phase of 
the sentiment of nationality, a sentiment that was 
growing steadily, though slowly and in the main 
secretly until 1896 in the Tagalog provinces and 1898 
in the archipelago at large. 
The reactionary party had partially regained the 

^^ See post, pp. 170, 171, note 119. With the three priests was 
also executed one Francisco Saldua. Maximo Inocencio, Enrique 
Paraiso, and Crisanto de los Reyes were sentenced to ten years' im- 
prisonment. Others were also condemned to death, some of whose 
sentences were commuted to life imprisonment. The following 
persons were deported to Marianas: Antonio Maria Regidor, 8 
years; Maximo Paterno; Agustin Mendoza, parish priest of the 
district of Santa Cruz de Manila; Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, a 
regidor of Manila and university professor, 6 years. Some of the 
latter and others lost their qualification as advocates of the Audi- 
encia.- Eds. 

^® In a pamphlet by Manrique A. Lallave (Madrid, 1872), an 
ex-Dominican missionary from Filipinas, he declares that " the 
friars at that time possessed property to the value of eleven mil- 
lions of pesos fuertes." (Vindel, Catdlogo biblioteca fiiipina, no. 
1846.)- Eds. 


upper hand when the mutiny occurred in Cavite in 
1872. Instead of treating it as its comparative in- 
significance demanded, and as prudent statecraft 
would have counseled, they employed it as an excuse 
for vengeful violence, as a means for resuming full 
control of Philippine policy, and continued for 
twenty-five years thereafter to point to it as their 
most useful "horrible example," as an evidence of 
what must follow the inauguration, even in the 
slightest degree, of a liberal policy in the government 
of the islands. Rightly or wrongly, the people of 
that and the succeeding generation in the Tagalog 
provinces, and to a less degree in the others, were 
schooled in racial resentment through the belief that 
the native priests had been done to death, upon a 
pretext of manufactured evidence, by the malevo- 
lence of the friars. The proscription of the more 
conspicuous of the then small Liberal element among 
the Filipinos had consequences of no less importance. 
Those who were sent into exile for alleged complicity 
in the Cavite mutiny were certain conspicuous half- 
castes and a few Spaniards of Philippine birth or of 
long residence in the islands. The native element 
proper was for the moment scarcely affected, even 
in Manila and its environs; and no one has ever 
demonstrated that the few more advanced men of 
Spanish blood who were moved by the revolution in 
Spain to take a stand for Liberal measures in the 
Philippines were engaged in anything but legitimate 
political discussion, or indeed that they talked of 
going so far in this direction in the Philippines as 
had already been done in the Peninsula. These 
proscriptions powerfully stimulated the idea of a 
" Filipino cause." Some of the exiles escaped to 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 29 

Hongkong, and there founded a Filipino colony. 
Others settled eventually in Europe; the more pro- 
gressive and ambitious Filipinos began sending their 
sons to Madrid and Paris for education in contact 
with the thought of modern Europe; and in these 
capitals, and later in Japan, little Filipino colonies 
became centers of discussion of political reforms, and 
through letters, publications in the Liberal periodi- 
cals of Spain, and finally through their own books 
and periodicals of propaganda, greatly influenced 
the growth of a public opinion in the backward so- 
ciety of the Philippines. Spanish Masonry grad- 
ually extended the circle of its initiations and of its 
secret operations (necessarily secret to an extraordi- 
nary degree) in the islands. At first only Spaniards 
had been admitted to a few lodges, then mestizos 
were admitted, and finally natives of some degree of 
education without regard to race. In the eighties 
and nineties, there seems to be no doubt, a sort of 
independent Grand Lodge in Spain (asserted by 
some to be of spurious Masonry),'^ managed by zeal- 
ous Liberal propagandists with whom certain of the 
Filipino propagandists in Barcelona had associated 
themselves, directed the active organization of 
lodges in as many Filipino towns as contained favor- 
able material, for the purpose of fostering in the 
islands a demand for political reforms, of distribu- 
ting the literature of the propaganda, and of col- 
lecting funds to support the campaign in Spain for 
the extension of greater social, political, and religious 
freedom to the Filipinos. The Spaniards associated 
with this movement were for the most part men of 
no standing and quixotic visionaries. Some of the 
^^ See post, p. 182.- Eds. 


Filipinos who figured in the propaganda abroad 
were quite as unpractical, being inexperienced and 
excitable youths, full of jealousy of each other, while 
some few of them, moreover, misused the funds 
raised for them by their fellows at home. The whole 
program for *^ assimilation" of the Philippines to 
Spain as a province of the Peninsula, giving a distant 
archipelago in the Orient with its widely different 
population, social status, and economic conditions 
and needs, a government just like that of European 
Spain was manifestly absurd and inimical to the in- 
terests of the Filipinos themselves, not to add that 
its realization was an utter impossibility. But these 
things should not have been allowed to hide the jus- 
tice of the demand for such reforms and privileges 
as were practical and compatible with the needs and 
conditions of the archipelago and its people: for a 
spokesman or spokesmen of the Philippines in the 
Cortes at Madrid; for reforms in judiciary and 
fundamental laws, not blindly copied from those 
promulgated in Spain, but adapted to the Philip- 
pines, or if necessary especially drafted for them; 
for administrative reforms, above all as to the civil 
service and looking toward an increasing recognition 
of the native element in government, and toward a 
decentralization that should be gradually extended 
as far as deeply rooted habits and long-standing cus- 
toms would permit; and, finally, for greater indi- 
vidual and social freedom, both in a political and 
a religious sense. This last was really the crux of 
the whole situation, so far as the continuance of 
Spanish sovereignty should not come to depend 
purely on force. In the old days it had rested on 
religious teachings, on the friars in fact, with the 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I 3 I 

sense of race-prestige in the background to support 
Spanish authority. It was futile for the friars to 
cry out for a return to the old conditions, and to 
denounce as dangerous any reforms in the direction 
of freedom of thought or of speech; the pages of 
history could not be turned back. The idea of future 
independence from Spain was, to be sure, in the 
minds of some at least of the Filipino propagandists. 
But their present campaign was for greater political 
liberty, and the measures they advocated, and even 
the methods they employed almost to the last, would 
have been legitimate in any free country -were, in 
fact, legitimate even then in the Peninsula itself, 
where they could advocate publicly what they must 
whisper among their fellows at home. The very fact 
that such organizations as these spurious Masonic 
lodges were under the ban, and that even to be sus- 
pected of belonging thereto was to invite the danger 
of deportation from home as a " conspirator," is suf- 
ficient proof of the essential righteousness of the 
propagandists' cause. And the campaign that began 
with a few Spanish-Filipinos in Manila and grad- 
ually extended to the more independent men of edu- 
cation in the provinces eventually, under half-edu- 
cated leaders of the small middle class, reached in a 
perverted form the masses themselves, especially in 
central Luzon, and found expression at last in vio- 
lence and an outburst of race-hatred. The Kati- 
punan was not Masonic, as the friars asserted, only 
copying some of the Masonic formulae; but it was 
a natural and logical outgrowth of the smothering 
of what had been a legitimate movement for the ex- 
pression of Filipino reform sentiment. 


The title to these notes has indicated the year i860 
as marking in a general way the opening of the 
modern era in the Philippines, without reference to 
any one particular event. It is proposed to give here, 
briefly, such further notes as will afford a working 
bibliography on this period, while calling attention 
to some subjects and certain points that are com- 
monly disregarded in the bibliographies and pub- 
lished works dealing with the last years of Spanish 
rule in the Philippines. No pretense to complete- 
ness is made. The aim is to call attention, under their 
proper heads, to the more distinctly useful (or, in some 
cases, the more unreliable, and hence to be avoided) 
titles already listed in the Philippine bibliography 
that is to be most readily obtained, and which is also 
the most complete and satisfactory work of this sort, 
viz., that published at Washington in 1903;^^ and 
also to supplement these titles with others there un- 
noticed and with other data not easily found. In the 
main, only such works are cited as the writer has 
himself consulted, though in some cases the notes or 
recommendations of others have been followed. 

The first essential to a study of this period is a fair 
and comprehensive survey of Philippine conditions 
in the years just preceding- the "old regime," as 
we may call it, though it was then breaking down in 
certain particulars. One book alone will serve the 
student's purpose in this respect; and, whatever oth- 

^^ Bibliography of the Philippine Islands (Bureau of Insular 
Affairs, Washington, 1903), comprising under one cover these two 
volumes w^hich were also published separately by the Library of 
Congress: A List of Book^ {with references to periodicals) on 
the Philippine Islands in the Library of Congress, compiled by 
A. P. C. Griffin ; and the Biblioteca Filipina of Dr. T. H. Pardo 
de Tavera. For information regarding general bibliographies and 
bibliographical lists of Philippina, see vol. liii of this series. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 3 3 

ers are read, Jagor's ^^ is indispensable. Next to him, 
and in addition to the documents appearing in this 
series immediately preceding the present volume, 
may be cited the 1842 Informe of the Spanish diplo- 
mat in the Orient, Sinibaldo de Mas, and the two- 
volume treatise of 1846 by the Frenchman, J. Mallat. 
In certain respects, the latter has closely followed 
Mas ; but his is no mere translated plagiarism, like 
that of John Bowring (1859), who was only a tem- 
porary visitor entertained by Spanish officialdom in 
Manila. The work of Paul de la Gironiere, not his 
Twenty Years in the Philippines^ but his more 
serious work of 1855 {Aventures d'un gentilhomme 
breton aux ties Philippines)^ merits attention as con- 
taining the observations of a cultivated foreigner 
who had the advantage of years of residence in 
Manila and a neighboring province. 

As was indicated at the beginning of these notes, 
to make a thorough study of this period, we should 
consider it under three heads, viz., economic devel- 
opment, social development, and political develop- 
ment. Not only has there been no comprehensive 
review of the period as a whole, but there exists no 
review of it under any one of these heads, nor even 
any group of writings which can be offered to the 
inquirer as covering the field of inquiry in any one 
of these respects. For one thing, we must draw 
mainly upon Spanish sources of information, official 
and private, and rare indeed is the Spanish writer 

®^ Reference has already been made in another footnote to the 
German original; English and Spanish translations of this work, 
both defective, were also published. It has not been deemed nec- 
essary in this brief sketch to append the bibliographical details, ex- 
cept when they may not be found in Bibliography of the Philip- 
pine Islandsy under the names of the authors herein cited. 


who does not either proceed regardless of the eco- 
nomic point of view, or else give entirely secondary 
consideration to the vital matter concerned in the 
economic and social progress of a people independ- 
ently of political forms and governmental influences. 
The result is that Spanish writers, with them the 
Filipinos, and to a great extent the writers of Philip- 
pine treatises in other languages (drawing hastily 
upon Spanish sources), have over-emphasized the 
political history of this Philippine period. Of 
course, in Spain and the Spanish countries long- 
standing habit makes it the tendency to look to 
government for everything, and to think of all amel- 
ioration of evils and all incitements to progress as 
coming from above ; while social and economic con- 
ditions in the Philippines are such as to emphasize 
this tendency, the aristocracy of wealth and education 
standing apart from the masses and being, to the 
latter, identified in the main with the government, 
with the " powers above." Nevertheless, it is to be 
insisted that social and economic progress in the 
Philippines during the last half-century should be 
considered separately and studied more particularly 
than they have been thus far. 

It need hardly be said, for another thing, that it 
is not possible to make an absolute separation of this 
subject under the headings thus indicated. Such a 
thing cannot be done with any people in any period 
of history. In this particular case, one need only 
mention the Religious Question, with its phases as a 
contest between friars and native clergy, as a demand 
for modern freedom of thought and speech, and as 
an agrarian question, to show at once that matters 
social, economic, and political are here interwoven. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 135 

So also the Spanish administration cannot be consid- 
ered wholly apart from its bearing upon economic 
and social as well as purely political matters. No 
rigid classification is possible, but the student who 
approaches the history of this period -which, apart 
from its own interest, has had ever since 1898 the 
most vital bearing upon a public question of great 
importance in the United States today -will avoid 
confusion by giving consideration to these separate 
points of view. 


One would welcome an attempt by some one of 
the more ambitious Filipino writers and students 
whose attention has been occupied almost exclusively 
with political controversy to write the social history 
of his people during this last period of Spanish rule. 
The materials for such a study, so far as they now 
exist in print, are very fragmentary, and the work 
could hardly be well done by any but a resident of 
the islands during that period. But few references 
need be given here, and the inquirer must derive most 
of his information on this line from the numerous 
books and pamphlets whose object is primarily po- 
litical questions and from the economic and fiscal 
tables and studies which shed light upon the general 
status of the people. 

General historical surveys of the period are lack- 
ing. Montero y Vidal's three-volume history comes 
down only to 1873. And, though it is the best Phil- 
ippine historical work for reference purposes, it is, 
after all, hardly more than a chronology of important 
events and compilation of official orders and projects, 
touching the life of the people scarcely at all. The 


same author's work of 1886, El archipielago filipino^ 
merits attention also in this connection, though pri- 
marily it sets forth facts geographical, statistical, etc. 
The works of Manuel Scheidnagel deserve also cita- 
tion as those of a Spanish official of long and varied 
experience in the Philippines, and as shedding, in- 
cidentally to the particular subjects which they treat, 
light upon the conditions of country and people in 

The foreigners who traveled in the Philippines 
during this period, and who have written thereon, 
were occupied in most cases with scientific pursuits, 
and have confined themselves mainly to these objects 
in what they have published. The Luqon et Palaou- 
an (Paris, 1887) ^^ Alfred Marche touches upon the 
customs and conditions of the people in its record of 
six years' scientific research for the government of 
France. Edmond Plauchut's contributions to the 
Revue des deux mondes for 1869 and 1877, ^^ lighter 
vein and perhaps not always accurate, are, like 
Gironiere's writings of earlier date, interesting as 
presenting the observations of a resident foreigner. 
Among the works in English, revised or written since 
1898 to meet the demand in the United States for in- 
formation about the Philippines, Dean C. Worces- 
ter's The Philippine Islands and their People (New 
York, 1898), brings us nearest to the life of the peo- 
ple, particularly in the rural districts and regions most 
remote from modern changing influences. The trea- 
tises of the British engineers and experts in tropical 
agriculture, Frederick H. Sawyer and John Foreman, 
are written by men who were, naturally, best prepared 

^2 Particularly his Las colonias espahola^ de Asia. Islas Fili- 
pinas (Madrid, 1880). 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 37 

to discuss the agricultural conditions and the material 
resources in general of the Philippines. Outside of 
these matters, except when reciting personal experi- 
ences and observations, both are compilers whose 
reading in Philippine bibliography has been very 
fragmentary. Foreman in particular has undertaken 
to cover the entire field of Philippine history and 
politics, and has, to state the plain truth, made a 
very bad botch of it. He has been so often quoted 
in the United States as authority for erroneous state- 
ments that it is time to make this fact clear. It is 
commonly impossible to draw the line in what he has 
written between fact and gossip, conjecture, or par- 
tial truth. His latest edition (1906) contains most 
of the old glaring errors or even worse omissions, 
with a full measure of new ones in his recital of 
the history of events since 1896. Some data con- 
tained in Foreman's book are not readily available to 
an American student outside of the large libraries; 
but a caution is to be uttered against relying upon 
him, even for his recital of fiscal details or for his 
statistical tables. Sawyer is very much more accurate 
and reliable, just as he is less pretentious in the pro- 
gram of his work. 

In studying the social process of the Filipino peo- 
ple from about i860 onward, the subject of education 
holds the first place.^^ It is, however, unnecessary to 
occupy ourselves here with the bibliography of the 
subject, which has been very fully covered in VOLS. 
XLV and XLVI of this work, the appendices to those 
volumes giving, in connection with other documents 

*^ It is closely related also with the political questions of this 
period, with the friar controversy, and with matters of adminis- 
tration as such. 


in this series and with the bibliographical notes, the 
most comprehensive treatment of the subject of edu- 
cation in the Philippines that is yet available in any 

As we might expect from what has been said, the 
social life of the Philippines, at least from about 
1875, may best be studied in the periodicals of Ma- 
nila. In this connection it is only necessary to men- 
tion Retana's El periodismo filipino^ which covers 
the subject down to 1894. La Revista de Filipinas^ 
edited by J. F. del Pan, 1875-77, deserves special 
mention among the many periodicals of short life. 
Among those of longer duration may be named El 
Diario de Manila^ and also, for the closing years of 
Spanish rule. La Oceania Espanola, La Voz Espano- 
la and El Comercio,^^ One should also consult these 
Spanish periodicals of Manila for the political his- 
tory of these years, particularly of 1896-98. It must 
be remarked, however, that, just as these periodicals 
reflected mainly the life only of the capital, and that 
quite exclusively from the Spanish viewpoint, so also 
they treated political and administrative matters not 
merely under the constraint of their editors' notions 
as to "maintaining Spanish prestige" but also with 
a censorship in the background, maintained by and 
for the political and the ecclesiastical authorities.^^ 

^^ El Diario de Manila was established in 1848, a name which 
was changed to El B olefin oficial de Filipinas in 1852, and again to 
the former name in i860; papers called El Comer cio were founded 
in 1858 (probably), and in 1869; La Oceania Espanolay in 1877 
(which succeeded El Porvenir Filipino) ; La Voz Espanola was 
founded in 1888 under the name of La Voz de Espana, the issue 
of March 5, 1892, marking the change of name. See Retana's El 
periodismo,- Eds. 

^^ See also Griffin's List for a list of periodical articles (main- 
ly from American magazines, although some foreign titles are also 
noted.)- Eds. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I 39 

Down to 1898 the Philippine law of censorship of 
1857, modeled on that of Spain in the days of Isabel 
II, was in force, and it covered the publication of 
books and pamphlets of all sorts and of newspapers, 
the importation and sale of books, pictures, etc., and 
the regulation of theaters/* One will, therefore, look 
almost in vain in these periodicals prior to 1898 for 
expressions of the Filipino point of view, or, till the 
close of 1897, for any frank expression of liberal po- 
litical views on the part of Spanish editors. The few 
Manila periodicals started by Filipinos before 1898, 
usually printed in Spanish and Tagalog, had but an 
ephemeral existence.*^ One must look for the ex- 
pression of Filipino aims and ideas to the periodicals 
that have been published since 1898; indeed, even 
the Spanish press of Manila has treated Filipino 
questions with freedom only since American occupa- 
tion began. 

For population statistics, all practical purposes are 
served by the tables and comparisons of the Ameri- 
can census of 1903.*^ Here one may find also the 
best data for reconstructing before his eyes the social 
and economic status of the Philippines and its in- 
habitants at the close of Spanish rule. The Spanish 
civil census of 1896 was unfortunately never pub- 
lished, nor completed in some provinces. The civil 

^^ Retana reproduced this Reglamento de Asuntos de Imprenta 
of 1857 in volume i of the Archivo, Retana, who was for a time 
a newspaper man in Manila, says it was not known by the news- 
paper editors or by the political censor ; in other words, the censor 
did about as he pleased. 

^^ The Filipino press of propaganda, published abroad, will 
merit attention further on, when " Reform and Revolution " are 

^® Census of the Philippine Inlands ^ 4 vols. (Washington, 
1903). In vol. ii, pp. 17-22, are tables comparing Spanish esti- 
mates and censuses, with references to such. 


census of 1887, though published in very condensed 
form, merits attention.^^ Certain of the more notable 
statistical works of private individuals will require 
notice in connection with agriculture, industry, and 
commerce ; here the student may be referred to the 
Bibliography under the names of Agustin de la 
Cavada, J. F. del Pan, and Jose Jimeno Agius/^ 


Using, as throughout these notes, the Bibliography 
as a starting point, the student is referred to the first 
part of that work, viz., the List of the Library of 
Congress, under the headings Agriculture, Com- 
merce, Finance, and Political and Social Economy; 
and to Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca under the alpha- 
betical lists of Aranceles, Balanzas, Boletin, Estatu- 
tos, Exposicion, Guia, Instruccion, Memoria, and 
Reglamentos. Some of the works therein cited are 
obviously indispensable, and occasional biographical 
and bibliographical notes are also afforded, espe- 
cially by Pardo de Tavera under the names of 
authors cited, which will help in forming an opinion 
on the value of their works.^^ It is in point here to 
designate among these works those most useful as 
references in a general way upon Philippine eco- 

^^ Archipielagos filipinos en la Oceania^ Censo de poblacion 
verificado el 31 de Diciembre de 1887, . . . (Manila, 1889). 

^^ For population alone, there may also be mentioned the table 
of various civil and ecclesiastical estimates, based mainly on the 
returns of the tributes, in Sancianco y Goson's El progreso de 
Filipinas (Madrid, 1881), pp. 175-186; and the summaries of five 
Spanish censuses and tables of the 1896 census in Report of the 
Philippine Commission, 1901, ii, appendices HH and 11. 

■^^ If possible, Pardo de Tavera's bibliographical comments 
should be checked up by those made by Retana to some of these 
vi^orks in his various bibliographies.- Eds. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 4 1 

nomic matters, to add some not listed in the Bibli- 
ography^ and to give some special references under 
the particular headings of Agriculture, Commerce, 
and Industry. 

General -Jagor^s book, already noted as the best 
introduction to the study of this period, is again men- 
tioned here as affording data on the tobacco monop- 
oly (which lasted until 1884, before its affairs were 
wound up), the attitude of the Spaniards toward the 
entry of foreign traders, and the part these foreigners 
played in developing the culture of abakd and sugar. 
Cavada's Historia geogrdfica^ geologica y estadistica 
de Filipinas (Manila, 1876) has a good arsenal of 
data drawn chiefly from the civil statistical inquiries 
of 1870, though, like almost all such works in Span- 
ish, it is without a topical index and is put together 
in a disorderly manner most exasperating to the 
searcher for facts or figures on a specific point of 
inquiry. Of the works of Jose Jimeno y Agius, his 
Memoria sobre el desestanco del tabaco (Binondo, 
1871) and Poblacion y comercio de las islas Filipinas 
(Madrid, 1884) should be especially mentioned. 
Gregorio Sancianco y Goson's El progreso de Fili- 
pinas (Madrid, 1881), especially valuable on admin- 
istrative matters just prior to the revision of the fiscal 
regime in connection with the abolition of the gov- 
ernment tobacco monopoly, has also many data on 
land, commerce, and industry. Scattered through 
the eight volumes of the fortnightly La Politica de 
Espana en Filipinas (Madrid, 1891-98) are useful 
items on Philippine currency and exchange, trade, 
etc., with occasional studies of these questions and 
those of Chinese and European immigration, in most 
cases hasty, unreliable pieces of work, often even 


fantastic for their utter disregard of the fundamen- 
tals of political economy. Foreman's book has al- 
ready been characterized; nevertheless, checked up 
with Sawyer's, it is of use in this connection. Of the 
consular and other official reports, those of the Brit- 
ish Foreign Office ^^ are the most valuable as a series, 
though the comprehensive reports of the French 
Consul, M. de Berard, covering the years 1888-92, 
merit first place as individual treatises."^^ 

The testimony and memoranda presented before 
the American Peace Commission in Paris in 1898, 
together with some magazine articles on the Philip- 
pines, form appendices to Senate Document no. 62, 
55th Congress, 3rd session; only the memorandum of 
General F. V. Greene (pp. 404-440) and Max L. 
Tornow's Sketch of the Economic Conditions of the 
Philippines require any consideration in this connec- 
tion.^* The reports on civil affairs (1899-1901) of 
the United States military government in the Philip- 
pines and the reports of the Philippine Commission 
have much retrospective value in connection with 
the previous economic and fiscal regime, and merit a 
general perusal in that light; some of their more 

''^ See Library of Congress List, etc., pp. 9-1 1. 

^^ Cited in Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca as nos. 269 and 2,003. 
The American consular reports are given in a separate table in the 
Library of Congress List, pp. 178- 180. Only those of Consul 
Webb, 1888-90, need be mentioned as containing some data of 

^^ Both the papers cited have subsequently been reproduced in 
several other government bulletins, w^hich will be cited in their 
places. E. W. Hardin's Report on the Financial and Industrial 
Condition of the Philippines {Senate Document no. i6g^ 55t:h 
Congress, 3rd session) was similarly reproduced. All three of 
these documents, which were useful to American inquirers imme- 
diately following the events of 1898, may be disregarded by the 
student who resorts to the Spanish and other sources herein given. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 143 

especially pertinent revelations will be hereinafter 
cited. The Report on Certain Economic Questions 
in the English and Dutch Colonies in the Orient 
(Washington, 1902) by Jeremiah W. Jenks, special 
commissioner of the United States government, is of 
course of comparative value primarily, but contains 
some general remarks on Philippine conditions as 
regards currency, labor, land, and taxation. In 
many respects the best economic study ever made of 
the Philippines is Victor S. Clark's Labor Condi- 
tions in the Philippines (Bulletin of the Bureau of 
Labor no. 58, Washington, May, 1905) ; though dis- 
cussing the labor question, and that under American 
occupation, it has been written with a view con- 
stantly to past conditions in the Philippines, social 
and political as well as economic." 

Agriculture, Land, ^/c- Beyond the general ref- 
erences given, no special work can be recommended 
on the subject of Philippine agriculture. The re- 
ports and bulletins of the present Philippine Bureau 
of Agriculture (1902 to date) shed much light in- 
cidentally on past conditions and methods of cultiva- 
tion. Numerous official provisions and some private 
treatises on the Spanish land laws are cited by Pardo 
de Tavera; but these remained for the most part dead 
letters, and for all practical purposes a little compila- 
tion in English ^^ by the present Philippine Forestry 

■^^ A 36-page pamphlet, Commercial Progress in the Philippine 
Islands (London 1905), by A. M. Regidor y Jurado and J. W. T. 
Mason, is quite inaccurate and in part gossipy, but may be 
noted as containing some nineteenth-century data on foreign trad- 
ers and bankers not elsewhere in print. 

'^^ Spanish Public Land Laws in the Philippine Islands and their 
History to August 13, j8q8 (Washington, Bureau of Insular Af- 
fairs, 1901). These laws and conditions of land tenure under 
Spanish rule are also succinctly summarized by D. R. Williams in 


Bureau suffices. In a report on the establishment of 
land banks in the Philippines, Jose Cabezas de He- 
rrera provided a historical review and abstract of 
landed property in those islands/^ In connection 
with his arguments in behalf of a tax on landed prop- 
erty as just and as also necessary in order to support 
a really efficient government in the Philippines, San- 
cianco y Goson gives considerable information on 
conditions of land tenure and cultivation down to 

CA/n^j^.- Discussion of the Chinese in the Philip- 
pines is related more particularly to questions of in- 
dustry and retail trade. Nevertheless, the Spanish 
government maintained almost to the end the theory - 
it was hardly more than an empty theory -that the 
Chinese immigration was being so regulated as to 
constitute a stimulus to agriculture. The subject also 
falls into place here because, from about 1886, when 

Official Handbook of the Philippines (Manila, 1903) ; in other 
respects the Handbook, a Washington library compilation prepared 
for the St. Louis Exposition of 1904, has no independent value 
and is often inaccurate. 

^^ According to Retana, who cites this Informe emitido. . 
sobre bancos hipotecarios (Madrid, 1 889) in the Estadismo, li, 
p. 151*. Pardo de Tavera {Bibliotecay p. 76) says that this report 
led to the official decision that, in view of the general lack of 
titles, the establishment of land banks would be premature. 

^^ Following are special citations from his El progreso de Fili- 
pinos: Land tax, and arguments therefor, pp. 9, 10,28-34, 48-53, 
56, 65-80; tax on real estate in towns, pp. 81-89; deficiency of 
provisions for obtaining title to unoccupied lands, pp. 48-53, 54-56, 
57-66, 222-223 i data (mostly from Jordana y Morera) regarding 
development of forest and agricultural resources and amount of 
cultivated land, province by province, to 1873-74, PP* 187-204; 
value assigned to land, province by province, result of official in- 
quiry of 1862, pp. 212-223; Filipino laborer and his share in de- 
velopment of agricultural resources, pp. 223-237 ; rates of interest 
on real-estate loans, pp. 253-254; land measures in use, pp. 257- 


1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 145 

a campaign for the exclusion of the Chinese was 
started by Spanish merchants and newspaper men, a 
program for fostering the immigration of Spaniards 
into the Philippines, and especially into the undevel- 
oped areas of Mindanao and Palawan, was quite 
regularly coupled with the arguments for Chinese 
exclusion. This program was usually presented 
without regard for the climatic and economic consid- 
erations involved ; that it was a " patriotic " scheme 
was sufficient for some of these writers, who never 
stopped to ask themselves if their plans were prac- 
tical/^ Among the pamphlets on the Chinese in the 
Philippines cited by Pardo de Tavera, those of Del 
Pan and Jordana y Morera deserve attention. A 
good survey of the subject, though not accurate in its 
statistics, is G. Garcia Ageo's Memorandum on the 
Chinese in the Philippines in Report of the Philip- 
pine Commission^ IQOO^ ii, pp. 432-445.^^ 

Industries.-Tht general references already cited 
must be relied upon, and it is a rather wearisome task 
to uncover the data for a study of Philippine indus- 
tries from statistical tables, treatises and pamphlets 
which have given the subject a cursory or fragmen- 
tary treatment. The British and French consular re- 
ports may, however, be especially remarked. Also, 
the reports of the Chief of the Bureau of Internal 
Revenue in the reports of the Philippine Commission 
since 1904, when a new scheme of internal taxation 
was adopted, contain much information on industrial 
conditions, past and present. 

■^^ The intemperate and fantastic writings of " Quioquiap " 
(Pablo Feced) in El Diario de Manila and La Politica de Espana 
en Filipinas are in point. 

®^ See also ibid,^ i, pp. 150 159. 


Commerce, Internal Trade, Navigation, etc-Th^ 
Spanish statistical annuals, tariff regulations, etc., are 
fully listed by the Library of Congress and Pardo 
de Tavera, under the headings above noted for gen- 
eral references on economic matters. The most com- 
prehensive survey of trade statistics, and one which 
almost serves the purpose by itself alone, is contained 
in the Monthly Summary of Commerce of the Phil- 
ippine Islands^ for December, 1904, published at 
Washington by the Bureau of Insular Aflfairs. It 
presents classified tables covering Philippine im- 
ports and exports for the fifty years 1855-1904; they 
were prepared from the best available Spanish trade 
statistics, reduced to terms of American gold cur- 
rency at the average rate of exchange for each year, 
and, so far as the writer has checked these figures, 
they are the most reliable that are presented any- 
where.®^ Among the very few Spanish writings, Az- 
cirv2Lgdi%Libertad de Comer cio (Madrid, 1872) and 
Jimeno Agius's Poblacion y comercio (1884) Re- 
serve special mention, also once more the useful 
little book of Sancianco y Goson, for brief but use- 
ful data for 1868-80 in its appendices.^^ For 1891- 

^^ These tables entirely supersede those presented, earlier in the 
period of American occupation, in the Monthly Summary of Com- 
merce and Finance of the United States for November, 1899, and 
July, 1 90 1 (which also reproduced the memoranda of Greene, 
Tornow, and others, already cited). Some of the tables pre- 
sented in Bulletin No, 14, Section of Foreign Markets^ Department 
of Agriculture (Washington, 1898) give in convenient form Phil- 
ippine trade statistics by countries, both for imports and exports. 

^^ El progreso de Filipinas, pp. 238-244, foreign commerce, 
entry of Spanish and foreign vessels, etc., for 1868; p. 244, table 
of exports for 1871, in quantities (66 per cent of the hemp and 
over 50 per cent of the sugar going to the United States in that 
year) ; pp. 245-249, internal trade and inter-island shipping; pp. 
253-255, rates of interest and kinds of money in circulation; pp. 
255-258, weights and measures in use (about 1880). 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 147 

98, La Politica de Espana en Filipinas has some 
scattering figures on trade and commerce, year by 
year, highly unsatisfactory for the most part. Be- 
sides the general references upon the Spanish cus- 
toms tariffs, one will find in Senate Document no. 
134^ 57th Congress, ist session (Washington, 1902), 
in its Exhibit D, a comparison of the 1901 tariff 
with the Spanish tariff of 1891/^ 

Currency -The List of the Library of Congress, 
under the heading Finance, cites a few Spanish and 
foreign treatises on Philippine currency prior to 
1898, and the earlier American official reports on the 
subject. One will get more enlightenment upon the 
actual conditions prevailing during the last years 
of Spanish rule from memoranda and testimony in 
certain of these American reports than from any of 
the printed sources of date earlier than 1898. Never- 
theless, the petition of the Manila Chamber of Com- 
merce in 1895 reproduced in La Politica de Espana 
en Filipinas^ v, no. 105, brings out in part the highly 
unsatisfactory conditions produced by the Spanish 
government's inaction and disregard of well-estab- 
lished economic principles. In ibid,^ vii, p. 217, is 
given the text of the decree of April 17, 1897, pro- 
viding for the new Philippine silver peso which was 
beginning to circulate in the islands when American 
arms intervened, and which was proclaimed as a 
"settlement" of the Philippine currency evils, yet 
would obviously not have proved sufficient, unsup- 
ported as it was by provisions to sustain it in the 
face of the decline of silver. In much of the loose 
talk about economic depression in the Philippines 

®^ Questions of customs administration belong with the sub- 
ject of Spanish administration, further on. 


since the wars of 1896-98 and 1 899-1 901, not enough 
attention has been paid to the fact that " hard times " 
had really begun before, during 1891-95 particularly, 
and that an unstable currency and exchange fluctua- 
tions had then played their part in producing these 
conditions ; also that it was the Filipino laborer and 
small producer who was especially mulcted of his 
due by conditions produced in part officially and in 
part by governmental neglect.^* In addition to the 
American documents listed by the Library of Con- 
gress, reference should be made, as regards currency 
and exchange evils before 1898, to the survey of the 
subject by the Schurman Commission {Report of the 
Philippine Commission, IQOO^ i, pp. 142-149), and 
the testimony of Manila bankers and business men in 
the same report (vol. ii) ; to magazine articles by 
Charles A. Conant printed as appendices in Report 
of the Commission on International Exchange 
(Washington, 1903) ; and, for a few details on pre- 
vious conditions, with exchange tables, to the reports 
of E. W. Kemmerer, Chief of the Division of Cur- 
rency, for 1904 and 1905.^** 


Our object here being primarily the political 
progress of the Filipino people, we are concerned in- 
cidentally, as it were, with the subject of Spanish 

^* It IS another instance of the old tendency to emphasize polit- 
ical evils and remedies, and neglect economic considerations, in 
the Philippines. The labor monograph of V. S. Clark, above 
cited, brings out the fact that higher wages for Filipinos since 1898 
are in part only a compensation for the previous penalization of 
the Filipino laborer through a declining medium of exchange. 

^** In Report of Philippine Commission^ 1904, iii, pp. 487-503; 
and ibid,^ 1905, iv, pp. 71-87. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 149 

administration considered by itself alone. A good 
study of that subject, be it said, is lacking, and it may 
be recommended as an opportunity worth improving. 
No one who has read even a little about the Phil- 
ippines and Filipinos need be told that it is necessary 
to trace the political development of this people 
along two lines - unfortunately, it proved for Spain, 
lines that are divergent in considerable degree. 
Hence the subdivision of this heading, regarding, 
first, development under Spanish Administration and 
then the Filipino Propaganda, first of Reform and 
finally of Revolution. We are concerned in the first 
instance, that is, with reforms and progress realized 
in consequence of measures " from above." It has 
already been said that very considerable progress had 
been made by the Spanish government from about 
i860 onward, and was being made when the Taga- 
logs appealed to arms in 1896.^^ It is also true that 
the stimulus to the Filipino reform propaganda came 
in considerable degree from the movements toward 
betterment of the government itself, and from the 
agitations for reform in Spanish home politics.^^ But 
the development of the Filipino people, social, po- 
litical, and economic, proceeded at last more rapidly, 
or less haltingly at least, than the progress in reform 
from above; the reform measures were only partial, 
often unpractical or ill-adapted to Philippine con- 
ditions ; abuses of administration continued under so- 

^^ See M. Sastron, La insurreccion en Filipinas (Madrid, 1897 
and 1901), chap, i, for a summary of the reforms of the '8o's and 

^^ It is thus that, from their point of view, the Philippine friars 
and their Spanish clerical-conservative defenders have branded the 
Filipino campaign, eventually for separation, as entirely produced 
and fostered by Spanish Liberalism. 


called Liberal periods as well as in times of full cler- 
ical domination; in the action and reaction of Span- 
ish politics, in which so often are party divisions 
merely nominal and superficial, the course of progress 
was so irregular and uncertain as to lend justifica- 
tion to the feeling of the Filipinos that they were 
being treated with insincerity; and all the while, in 
the midst of bitter partisan and religious controversy, 
conducted on both sides by writers most rabid and 
intemperate, the two peoples were constantly grow- 
ing apart from each other, and were losing the mu- 
tual good-feeling of past years which, though always 
superficial in large part (as in any such domination 
of one race by another) , had nevertheless had a foun- 
dation of genuine esteem. 

The administrative organism -For present pur- 
poses, it almost suffices to refer simply to the List of 
the Library of Congress under the headings Finance, 
Law, Political and Social Economy, and to Pardo de 
Tavera's Biblioteca under the names of authors cited 
in the above List and the alphabetical headings Aran- 
celes, Balanza, Boletin, Coleccion, Disposiciones, 
Exposicion, Guia, Memoria, Proyectos (those of 
1870 for all sorts of reforms proposed after the Span- 
ish Revolution of 1868), and Reglamentos. The 
bibliography of Colonization published by the Li- 
brary of Congress, besides these special works on the 
Philippines, lists also works on Spanish colonies and 
works on colonization in general.^^ Of the compila- 

^'^ List of Books {with references to periodical^) relating to 
the theory of colonization, government of dependencies, protec- 
torates, and related topics, by A. P. C. Griffin (Washington, 
1900). It is inserted also in O. P. Austin^s Colonial administra- 
tion, 1800- igoo (from Summary of Commerce and Finance of the 
United States for March, 1 903). 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I 5 I 

tions, annuals, etc., listed in these bibliographies, spe- 
cial attention may be directed to those cited under the 
names of Rodriguez San Pedro (to 1869) and Rod- 
riguez Berriz (to 1888). The most complete refer- 
ence work on Spanish legislation, executive regula- 
tions, etc., is the Coleccion leghlativa de Espana^ and 
this work contains provisions enacted at Madrid with 
regard to the Philippines down to and including 
1898. For the full official record, not only of enact- 
ments at Madrid, but of the forms under which these 
were carried into effect in the islands themselves, the 
Philippine governmental regulations, proclamations, 
etc., covering this entire period down to the end of 
Spanish rule, the official gazette of the Philippines 
(published under the name La Gaceta de Manila^ 
1860-1898) is the final source; but the writer knows 
of no full collection thereof in any library of the 
United States, though there is of course one in the 
archives at Manila. In this connection, it should 
be remarked that the governor-general had very 
wide, and in some respects not very exactly pre- 
scribed, powers, one of the most indefinite and sweep- 
ing of which was that requiring any general law or 
special provision of Madrid, before it actually ac- 
quired force in the Philippines, to be published with 
the governor-general's ^^ cumplase^^ ("let it go into 
effect"). This might be, and usually was, a mere 
formality; but it was capable of being used so as at 
least to postpone the execution of a legislative decree 
or ministerial order which was distasteful to the chief 
authority of the Philippines, was violently opposed 
by the influential interests in the islands (particularly 
the ecclesiastical element) , or, as happened in some 
cases, was manifestly inapplicable to Philippine con- 


ditions. Of course, the governor-general could read- 
ily be overruled, but even so, he could, if he desired, 
secure thus a delay and possible reconsideration of 
the matter, and the frequent changes of party admin- 
istration in Spain encouraged delays of this and like 
sorts, not a few reform decrees remaining thus dead 
letters in the Philippines. It is often important, there- 
fore, to discover not only what was the law or regu- 
lation provided for the Philippines in Madrid, but 
how it was put into force in the islands, or if it 
actually took effect at all. For this purpose, the Of- 
ficial Guide of the Philippines {Guia de forasteros 
to 1865, Guia oficial from 1879 to 1898) supple- 
ments in some respects the official gazette and the 
collection of Rodriguez Berriz.^^ 

Of surveys and summaries of Spanish administra- 
tion in the Philippines listed in the Bibliography 
may be mentioned Cabezas de Herrera's Apuntes 
(1883) and Fabie's Ensayo historico (Madrid, 1896), 
also Jose de la Rosa's La administracion publica en 
Filipinas.^^ In the compilation by Jesuit fathers 
published at Washington in 1900 under the title El 
archipielago filipino^ there is to be found in vol. i, 
a survey of the governmental organization and the 

^® The Statesman s Yearbook and such general works of refer- 
ence will merit consultation ; but It should be remarked that, prior 
to 1898, encyclopedias, annuals, etc., commonly treated the Philip- 
pines rather cursorily and not always accurately, while, generally 
speaking, the Spanish colonies have had very inadequate consider- 
ation at the hands of English and American authors and editors. 
For the special subjects of military and naval organization, see 
Salinas y Angulo's Legislacion militar (Manila, 1879), and Rodri- 
guez Trujillo's Memoria sobre la Marina (Manila, 1887), both 
cited In the Bibliography. 

^^ Published in La Espaha Oriental, Manila, 1893, and La 
Politica de Espaha en Filipinas, 1893-94. See Pardo de Tavera's 
Biblioteca, no. 1496; note also his no. 2702, under TIscar. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I 5 3 

various activities of the government both under civil 
and ecclesiastical control. This is reproduced in 
English in vol. iv of Report of the Philippine Com- 
mission, IQOO. In vol. i of this report of the Schur- 
man Commission (part iv, chapter i, also pp. 122- 
123) is an abstract of the Spanish system of govern- 
ment which, so far as the framework of that govern- 
ment is concerned, serves the purpose for one who 
can not readily consult the Spanish official sources 
from which it was drawn.®^ The major portion of 
this abstract is occupied by a translation and sum- 
mary of the law reforming the Philippine local gov- 
ernments in 1893, commonly called the "Maura 
Law" after the Colonial Minister who promulgated 
it.^^ As put in force by Governor-General Blanco, 
however, it was somewhat altered and revised, and 
many of its more promising provisions for local 
autonomy had in most towns remained in reality 
dead letters up to the time when revolt broke out in 
the Tagalog provinces in 1896; elections under the 

^^ It is to be emphasized, however, that this abstract shows only 
the framework of that government, and that just as it stood {on 
paper) at the beginning of 1898, its author not having traced the 
development of that organism even for a few years back nor 
learned that some of the provisions he outlined were not really in 

^^ Grifol y Aliaga (vol. xlvi, p. 109, note 48) is very naive, 
seeking to waive away the effect of the Maura law's plain pro- 
visions in the same way as did some friar and other writers. In 
his decree providing regulations for carrying out the law, Blanco 
explained that the parish priests were to retain their inspection of 
the schools as regards the teaching of religion and morals. The 
municipal tribunals were expressly created as schoolboards - an in- 
stitution of which Zamora {Las corporacione^ religiosas) bitterly 
complains. In reality, however, this reform remained a dead letter 
in most villages, except in the provinces most advanced in the 
propaganda, where the Filipino local officials asserted their power 
of regulation (Bulakan, Batangas, Manila, etc.). (From a pre- 
vious communication from Mr. LeRoy.)-EDS. 


new law were suspended, and martial law established. 
For this law in its original text and as promulgated 
by Blanco, with regulations and model forms for the 
municipalities, see Felix M. Roxas's Comentarios 
al reglamento provisional de las juntas provinciales 
(Manila, 1894).^^ 

The administration in actual operation,-Wh2it 
most interests us is the actual working of this ma- 
chine in Manila, the provinces and towns, and the 
works above cited will mostly provide for us only 
its skeleton on paper. To make it an effective 
machine, we must resort to personal testimony, oc- 
casional revelations thrown upon it by such of our 
writers as looked beyond mere routine, and perhaps 
most of all to the periodical literature of the times.^^ 
Few of the resident writers of the old regime thought 
it was quite patriotic, or would serve their personal 
interests, to discuss matters as frankly, for example, 
as did Sancianco y Goson.^* Testimony before the 

^^ Pedro A. Paterno's Regimen municipal de las islas Filipinas 
(Madrid, 1893), reproducing Minister Maura's decree in its orig- 
inal form, with notes, was therefore premature. Except in some 
of its comments, however, this work is at least not merely ridi- 
culous, as are this author's writings on an imaginary primitive 
religion and civilization of the Filipinos. Don Pedro has a lively 
imagination, too lively for politics and history, but capable of pro- 
viding good entertainment when he exercises it as a dramatist. 
One finds him much more pleasing in this role than as a Filipino 
reform propagandist, though in the latter capacity he seems to 
have been taken very seriously by Doctor Schurman and Mr. Fore- 
man, and by various Spanish officials before them, including, for a 
time, Governor-Generals Primo de Rivera and Augustin. 

^^ Once more, the Manila press since 1898 merits attention 
here. The Filipino press has not been always fair in treating of 
the old regime, but both in the Filipino and the Spanish press of 
Manila since 1898 some things have been brought to light which 
were either suppressed for private gossip or not frankly discussed 
at the time of their occurrence. 

^* Notes from his Progreso de Filipinas : Lack of public im- 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes I S5 

Schurman Commission (vol. ii of its report) in 1899 
brings out, here and there, revelations as to how the 
former government was actually administered.®'' 
Philippine government reports under American rule 
bring to light here and there revelations about the 
former administration, especially in fiscal and judi- 
cial matters. The customs collections benefited the 
treasury far less than they should have done; per- 
haps fully as much as was turned in was " absorbed" 
in one way and another.®^ Special surtaxes on the 
customs and port dues were collected at Manila for 
the improvement of its harbor from 1880 to 1898, 
amounting during the last five years alone to 3,500,- 
000 pesos. Yet the work, when at last inaugurated, 
dragged along in desultory fashion and the value of 

provements and defects of public services, especially education, pp. 
26-34; defects in administration of justice and its expensiveness, 
pp. 134-136; lack of development of material resources, pp. 205- 
211, 253-254; restriction of opportunities for Filipino laborers, 
and the evils of caciquism, pp. 212-237. A study of caciquism 
(subjection of the masses) and its deep roots in Philippine social, 
economic, and political conditions may be found in J. A. LeRoy's 
Philippine Life in Town and Country (New York, 1905), chap, 
vi; also the same in part by the same author in the Atlantic 
Monthly for March, 1905. 

^^ Though unsupported evidence here given, particularly when 
obviously gossip or when coming from partisan witnesses, is to be 
accepted with caution. F. H. Sawyer's reminiscences of the admin- 
istrations of various governor-generals are subject to the same cau- 
tion, except where the author plainly speaks from a personal knowl- 
edge of the facts; nevertheless, that such opinions on the highest 
officials of the islands could pass current even as gossip among 
Spaniards and foreigners in Manila is in itself alone very sig- 
nificant of the tone of public life in the islands. Note Sawyer 
also on the administration of justice, and Foreman on the " pick- 
ings " of officials in the provinces. 

^^ Note especially Military Governor of the Philippine Islands 
on Civil Affair^ {Report War Dept,, 1900, i, part 10), pp. 8-13, 
79 et seq. See also, for defects and corruption in the customs ad- 
ministration up to 1881, Sancianco y Goson, pp. 36-37, 125-131. 


the breakwater constructed and the equipment in 
hand in 1898 amounted to no more than $1,000,000 

Taxation -ISio one of the works on administration 
just cited treats this subject in a comprehensive or 
satisfactory manner. The only special study of the 
subject that is known to the writer is Carl C. Plehn's 
Taxation in the Philippines {Political Science Quar- 
terly , xvi, pp. 680-711, and xvii, pp. 125-148), and 
the author of this excellent survey had to drag his 
data forth from the official records and compilations. 
This survey gives all the most necessary information 
as to kinds of taxes, their incidence, and amounts; 
but for the most part there lie outside of its scope 
the questions one wishes to have answered as to 
methods of collection and the working of the fiscal 
administration in general, the actual receipts and ex- 
penditures for government purposes, and particularly 
the special local revenues so far as separate from gen- 

^^ Part of this money was spent in campaigns against the 
Moros, and perhaps for other purposes not covered by the budget 
of ordinary expenses. See La Politica de Espaha en Filipinas, v, 
no. 116, for an account of progress in this work up to 1895. The 
press of Manila has published during the past few years various 
articles on the funds collected by subscription in Spain and the 
Philippines for the relief of the sufferers from the earthquake in 
Manila in 1863. See particularly El Renacimiento, Manila, Sep- 
tember 18, 1906, for a report on the subject by Attorney-General 
Araneta. It would there appear that nearly $450,000 were col- 
lected; by 1870, only some $30,000 had been distributed to the 
sufferers themselves; whether they received further shares at a 
later date does not appear, but $80,000 were loaned from this fund 
to the obras pias in 1880, and about $15,000 were used for cholera 
relief in 1888-89. Governor-General Ide instructed the attorney- 
general to demand the return of the $80,000 from the obras piaSy 
and recommended that, when ^50,000 of this fund had been recov- 
ered, distribution of it among those who suffered losses in 1863 
should begin - almost a half-century later, and under another gov- 
ernment ! 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 157 

eral revenues. Sancianco y Goson again helps to fill 
the gap, as regards the system of taxation prevailing 
before the abolition of the tobacco monopoly and the 
reform of the tribute and the corvee in 1884/^ Any- 
one who has had experience with Spanish fiscal 
tables need not be told that they do not always show 
what they appear to show. It is thus that the writers 
who have reproduced in English since 1898 Philip- 
pine budgets for various years ^^ have unwittingly 

^^The new industrial (or income) taxes had, however, been 
inaugurated before he wrote. See his Progreso de Filipinos^ pp. 
vii, 81-87, 93-94> on this subject; pp. 5-15, for extracts from a 
project of economic reforms in 1870 (which see, in the Biblioteca, 
no. 2041) ; pp. 9, 10, 28-34, 48-53, 56, 65-80, 81-89, arguments 
for a real-property tax; pp. 6-10, 100-124, 142-143, the tribute; 
pp. 133-143, miscellaneous taxes; pp. 142-143, local taxes proper. 

*® Dr. Schurman drew from Spanish official publications the 
budget of 1894-95 for his exposition of the former Philippine gov- 
ernment {Report of Philippine Commission, 1 900, 1, pp. 79-81), 
and this has been considerably quoted, with the assumption that 
it represented the full cost of government, in recent comparisons 
with the American regime. Sawyer (in an appendix) gives the 
budget of 1896-97, with just a note showing that charges for col- 
lection and for local government made the actual collections for 
the poll-tax considerably larger than the insular budget showed. 
Foreman, in his 1899 and 1906 editions, only reproduces from his 
first edition a fragmentary statement of the 1888 budget, without 
showing that this was only partial and without developing the later 
changes and increases in taxes. Retana, in the Estadismo, apendice 
//, under Rentas e impuestos del Estado, gives the general totals 
of the budgets of 1890 and 1893-94 (likewise net totals for the 
central government alone). See Sancianco y Goson for proposed 
budget for 1881-82. The insular budget was published annually 
at Madrid under the title Presupuestos generales de gastos e 
ingresos de la§ islas Filipinas, The budget was made up at Ma- 
drid for each fiscal year, and put into effect by a royal decree 
(after its receipt in Manila, some few months after the beginning 
of the fiscal year which it was to govern). Some changes or 
additions were allowed to be made by the governor-general in 
imperative circumstances; otherwise the effort was to regulate 
Philippine finances just the same as if the islands were a province 
of the centralized government of the Peninsula itself. The folio 
volumes of Presupuestos published at Madrid, running to sev- 


misled their readers as to the real cost of government 
under Spain. The figures shown in these budgets 
were the totals of net collections (and expenditures), 
for ordinary purposes, for the central government 
of the islands alone. They did not include the 
purely local licenses and other taxes, the surcharges 
on general taxes for local government (to be ex- 
pended under supervision of the central authorities), 
the percentages that went to collectors, the other fees 
forming part or all of the compensation of some 
judicial and other officials, special surcharges for 
port works and other purposes not covered in the 
ordinary budget, etc. Naturally, no estimate was 
included of the value of the forced-labor levy. The 
products of ^' squeeze" and " pickings," in some cases 
so fully established as to be notorious, were of course 
not included; nevertheless, they represented part of 
the cost of government to the people. Finally, an ec- 
clesiastical establishment, really a part of the gov- 
ernment itself, drew support from the people in many 
ways beyond what would have been provided had 
not the power of government been behind it, under 
a system of voluntary contributions, for instance, 

eral hundred pages, are valuable for giving in minute detail the 
expected items of expenditures, down to the last petty employee 
on salary; but they can give, of course, only the e§timate of the 
revenue expected under each item, and actual collections some- 
times varied considerably from these figures. Above all, these 
Presupuestos bear out the general remark that the Spanish budget 
as published tends to conceal rather than to reveal the actual 
burden resting on the people. They are not budgets for the insu- 
lar government alone, hence the budgets for the city of Manila 
and for the local governments (provinces and towns), published 
separately in some years at Manila, must be consulted to get total 
net collections for all branches of government. In addition, one 
must dig out for himself from the laws governing taxation, etc., 
and from the archives the data regarding fees for collection, 
notarial, legal and other fees accruing to private pockets, sur- 
charges for special purposes, etc. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 59 

apart from the communities which paid rent to the 
friars as landlords.^^^ 

The Spanish-Philippine debt of 40,000,000 pesos, 
incurred in 1897 ^^ consequence of the insurrection, 
has not had sufficient notice as being originally the 
cause at Paris of the payment of $20,000,000 by the 
United States to Spain in connection with the clause 
of the treaty providing for the cession of the Philip- 
pines. Had the islands remained under Spanish 
sovereignty, they would have carried this their first 
public debt, expended wholly for war purposes, part 
of it being loaned for the payment of military opera- 
tions in Cuba/'' 

Legal and judicial- In the introduction to the List 
of the Library of Congress, under the heading Law, 
and on the pages of the List cited in that note will be 
found the formal bibliography of the subject/'^ Some 

'^^^ The subject can not be thoroughly discussed here. For some 
data and references thereon, see contributions by the writer to the 
Political Science Quarterly , xxi, pp. 309-311, and xxii, pp. 124- 
125. Regarding ecclesiastical dues and exactions, the share of the 
ecclesiastical establishment in local revenues, etc., see, besides cita- 
tions there given, M. H. del Pilaris La soberania monacal en Fili- 
pinas (Barcelona, 1888, and Manila, 1898). 

The above contributions cited by Mr. LeRoy are his criticism 
of H. Parker Willis's Our Philippine Problem (New York, 
1905), and his Rejoinder to Mr. Willis's Reply to that criticism 
(March, 1907). See also Mr. Willis's remarks on this matter in 
his Reply (pp. 1 1 6-1 19), which have been fully met in Mr. 
LeRoy's Rejoinder,- Eds. 

^^^ In confirmation of the first statement above, and for details 
regarding this debt, see Senate Document no, 62 ^ 55th Congress, 
3rd session, protocols 11, 12, 15, and 16; ibid,^ p. 412 (Greene's 
memorandum) ; Senate Document no. 148, 56th Congress, 2nd 
session, for cablegrams between the President and the American 
peace commissioners from October 27, 1898, on, especially p. 44 
(details of this loan) ; also Sastron's La insurreccion en Filipinas 
(Madrid, 1901), pp. 284, 285. 

^^^ Special attention may be directed to Clifford Stevens Wal- 
ton's The Civil Law in Spain and Spanish-America, including 
Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines (Washington, 1900). 


references upon the actual conditions of the admin- 
istration of justice in the Philippines have already 
been given. For this purpose, note also a comparison 
of the old criminal procedure with that introduced in 
1899 in Military Governor on Civil Affairs {Rept. 
War Dept,^ 1900, i, part 10), pp. 17-20. The com- 
pilation of Rafael Morales y Prieto^^^ is also to be 
specially mentioned for the criminal law and pro- 
cedure, 1880 to 1894, ^^d ^Iso for an appendix con- 
taining circulars as to judicial fees of various sorts. 
For brief summaries in English of the old judicial 
organizations see Exhibit J of the Report of the Taft 
Philippine Commission^ 1900, a resume by Chief 
Justice Arellano, especially for a statement as to the 
conflict of laws and codes, old and new, and as to the 
relative degree of authority of these codes ; and Cen- 
sus of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), 
chapter on the Judiciary.^^* Justice Willard's brief 
Notes on the Spanish Civil Code (Manila, 1903) also 
merits consultation. 

Science and material resources -So far as the 
scientific work of the period has a direct bearing 
upon our present purposes, it relates rather to the sec- 
tion on Economic Development. But the materials are 
sufficiently listed in the Bibliography, and the subject 
is introduced here only to say that this is one of the 
lines along which, in recent years, Spanish admin- 
istration was beginning to make progress. This was 

^^^ Pardo de Tavera's Bibliotecay no. 1770. 

^^^ Data obtained from Justices Arellano and Torres cover very- 
well the judicial organization of recent years. For earlier years, 
it is often In error, the Washington editor having tried to improve 
the manuscript with data drawn from various sources and pre- 
sented without a real understanding of the legal, judicial, and ad- 
ministrative system of Spain and the Spanish colonies. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 6 1 

true, however, chiefly of forestry and mineralogy, 
and was due almost entirely to the Spanish officials 
Abella y Casariego, Centeno y Garcia, and Sebastian 
Vidal y Soler, and to the stimulus of the work of 
foreign investigators, especially Germans. The work 
of the Jesuits in meteorology should also be specially 
mentioned. It will be noted that little headway was 
made in the matter most vital for the Philippines, 
viz., agriculture ; nor can we say that even a begin- 
ning was made in industrial chemistry or other 
researches calculated to foster either incipient or un- 
developed industries, while the public health service 
was lamentably defective and scientific research re- 
lating thereto amounted practically to nothing. Ref- 
erence may be made to the already large list of 
publications of the present Philippine government's 
Bureau of Science, Board of Health, Agriculture, 
Forestry, and Mining bureaus as showing the state of 
scientific investigation before 1898, also for biblio- 
graphical data.^'''' 

Moros and pagan peoples-ethnology as a science 
does not claim a place here.^^^ We are concerned with 

^®^ See especially Bulletin no. 22 of the Bureau of Government 
Laboratories (Manila, 1905), for a catalogue of the new scientific 
library in Manila. 

^^® It may be said, however, that the real foundations of that 
science are only now being laid in the Philippines. Most of the 
Spanish writings in this line are, speaking strictly from the scientific 
point of view, unreliable or, in some cases, worthless. Blumentritt, 
who has written most voluminously on this subject, was never m 
the Philippines, but drew largely from these Spanish sources, and 
he has confused the subject rather than shed light upon it. The 
German and French scientists who visited the islands were, in 
most instances, not primarily ethnologists, and have done but frag- 
mentary work in this field. Needless to say, all these sources 
must be consulted, especially for the historical side of the subject; 
but the science of Philippine ethnology proper is still in its in- 


the Spanish advance toward the establishment of ef- 
fective control over large areas either partly occupied 
or kept in a wild state of nature by backward or 
warring tribes; though considerable headway was 
made in the last half of the nineteenth century, Span- 
ish sovereignty over these areas was after all only 
nominal in 1898. Moreover, especially as regards 
the Moros, the materials and bibliography have been 
presented in other volumes of this series/^^ Atten- 
tion is called to a useful compilation of Spanish cam- 
paigns against the Moros by Lieut. W. E. W. Mc- 
Kinley,^^^ especially for its reviews of Malcampo's 
campaign of 1876, Terrero's of 1886-87, Weyler's of 
1888-91, and Blanco's of 1894-96/^^ The American 
military reports from 1899 to date and reports on 
the Moro Province since 1903 contain scattered data 
on Spanish relations with the Moros and also the 
hill tribes of Mindanao. Similarly, the reports and 
publications of the Philippine Ethnological Survey 
from 1902 to date contain references to Spanish con- 
tact in recent years with the pagan peoples of Luzon, 
Mindoro, and Palawan.^^^ 

^^^ Especially in the appendix of vol. xli.- Eds. 

^^^ Appendix vii to report of Major-General G. W. Davis, com- 
manding the division of the Philippines {Kept. War Dept.y 1903, 
iii, pp. 379-398). 

^^^ La Politica de Espana en Filipinas reproduces Retana's 
eulogy of Weyler (Retana was made a deputy for Cuba in the 
Cortes during the Weyler regime in Cuba) and occasional articles 
on the Blanco campaign in the Lake Lanao region, among v^hich 
note (vi, p. 18) Blanco's letter of Oct. 19, 1895, describing the 
beginning of a railroad and other work around the lake. Ibid,y vii, 
p. 170, has the protocol of April i, 1907, whereby Germany and 
Great Britain accept a modification of the Sulu archipelago pro- 
tocol of 1885, permitting the prohibition by Spain of traffic with 
J0I6 in arms or alcoholic liquors. The projects to colonize Min- 
danao put forward in connection with the Lanao campaign have 
been mentioned. 

^^^ The reports are in the annual Report of the Philippine 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 163 


Religious Question-It need scarcely be repeated 
that the " friar controversy" enters not only into this, 
but every phase of our discussion, and in one form or 
another, is touched upon in almost all our sources of 
information about the Philippines. For one thing, 
however, we are not here concerned with a historical 
judgment upon the work of the friars in the Philip- 
pines, though it is proper to note that there has of 
late been evident a reaction in their favor from the 
tendency common in the United States immediately 
after 1898 to judge them wholly by recent events, and 
their work is now more fairly viewed in its three- 
century perspective. We are, moreover, excused 
from entering upon a comprehensive survey of litera- 
ture about the friars and their work in general by the 
fact that the subject has been constantly to the fore 
throughout this series. What is needed here is only 
the citation, supplementary to the Bibliography and 
to the great accumulation of bibliographical refer- 
ences in other volumes of this series, of certain titles 
easily overlooked (some because of recent publica- 
tion) and of such special passages in all these works 
as elucidate particular matters of importance. 

As with all the political literature of the Philip- 
pines, 1 860- 1 898, the reader is to be warned against 
the exaggerations of both sides. Always and every- 
where, religious privileges and prejudices have 
aroused discussion both violent and intolerant; and 
in this case we find, on one side, a defense of religious 
and ecclesiastical privileges of a medieval character. 

Commission. Among the special publications, note Jenks's The 
Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1905), chap, ii, for some notes on Span- 
ish relations with the Igorots. 


and in a tone and temper inherited from those times. 
Nor, even setting the purely ecclesiastical and reli- 
gious questions aside, need we expect to find in this 
literature any review or discussion written in a calm 
and scientific spirit. Spanish political literature is 
almost entirely polemic, and Spanish polemics is sui 
generis. So, as with the friars and their defenders, 
we find here the principles of modern political 
science, which appeal properly to cool reason and 
the tolerance of liberalism, put forward by Spaniards 
and Filipinos in a language and with a spirit that 
hark back to times which we have come to think of 
as far remote from ours. 

The bitterness of tone, the intolerance and con- 
tempt of the Filipino, and the flaunting of " race su- 
periority," which came to characterize the writings 
of the friars and their defenders in this period -and 
which played no small part in leading the Filipinos 
to the brink of separation -are shown to the full in 
the numbers of La Politica de Espafia en Filipinas^ 
1891-98. The purpose of this organ was to combat 
in Spain the program of those who would further 
liberalize the regime of society and government in 
the Philippines. W. E. Retana, at first an associate 
editor with Jose Feced, was after 1895 its sole editor. 
Just what were the relations of the Madrid establish- 
ments of the Philippine religious orders with the busi- 
ness department of this periodical is not known; but 
it is admitted that ^^ the friars helped by subscriptions " 
at least, and it has generally been supposed that their 
connection with it was really closer, in short that it 
was practically an organ of theirs."^^^ In it will be 

^^^ Its columns could also be used to further personal interests, 
as already shown in the case of Weyler. Retana has since 1898 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 165 

found the pro-friar and anti-liberal account and view 
of events and matters current during the years of its 
publication, and also various studies of earlier years 
written from the same point of view. The case for 
the friars, especially for the period from 1863 on, 
may also be found quite typically set forth in a single 
volume of five hundred pages by a Philippine Au- 
gustinian, Padre Eladio Zamora {Las corporaciones 
religiosas en Filipinas, Valladolid, 1901)/^^ Testi- 

executed a " right-about-face," as has been best shown in his recent 
biographical study of RizaL Herein, in various editorial notes in 
voL V of the 2rchwo (1905), and in various letters to the 
Filipino press of Manila, he has many times virtually apologized 
for his political writings up to 1898, has declared that he was 
always a " Liberal " at heart, and has thus written an impugna- 
tion of his own writings in behalf of friar-rule. In a letter to I. 
de los Reyes (reproduced from El Grito del Pueblo of Manila in 
El RenacimientOf Manila, July 24, 1906), Retana carries this 
note to the point of practically abject retraction, saying he never 
has been really a Catholic, never confessed since his marriage, 
etc., and referring to Rizal (whom he bitterly reviled from 1892 
to 1898) as a "saint," etc. Regarding Retana and Blumentritt, 
see also a letter by J. A. LeRoy in the Springfield Republican for 
July 7, 1906. 

In this connection see Retana^s opening paragraphs in his Fida 
y escritos del Dr. Jose Rizal , in Nuestro Tiempo for 1 904-06.- 

^^^ This work furnished almost the sole basis for the discus- 
sion of the work of the friars by Stephen Bonsai in the North 
American Review of Oct., 1902; but Mr. Bonsai, whose article 
is thus entirely one-sided, did not state the source of his informa- 
tion. More than this, Mr. Bonsai has, in translating, made even 
stronger some of the extreme claims of Friar Zamora. The lat- 
ter (pp. 483-498) cites praise for the friars from various gov- 
ernors-general: Gandara (1866), De la Torre (1871), Moriones 
(1877), Weyler (1891), and Primo de Rivera (1898). It is to 
be hoped he has not garbled them all as he did the statement of 
Primo de Rivera, omitting its most significant expressions of opin- 
ion and exactly reversing its import. Moreover, Mr. Bonsai, m 
translating these passages from Zamora, thought it best to leave 
out, for his American readers, the statement by Weyler. Much 
the same ground as covered by the claims of Zamora is traversed, 
with citations, by J. A. LeRoy in the Political Science Quarterly 


mony given before Hon. William H. Taft in 1900 
regarding the friars and their part in the old regime, 
by the Spanish archbishop and heads of the orders 
themselves as well as by Filipinos on the other side 
will be found in Senate Document no. IQOj 56th Con- 
gress, 2nd session. 

Friars Estates. -Tht above document, which is en- 
titled Lands held for ecclesiastical or religious uses 
in the Philippines^ also gives information on the 
friars' rural estates. One will find no comprehen- 
sive treatment of this subject before 1898, though it 
is usually touched upon, often with great inaccuracy, 
in the anti-friar pamphlets. For further data upon 
the subject in American official reports, see: Report 
of War Department^ 1900, i, part 4, pp. 502-508 
(General Otis) ; Report of Taft Philippine Commis- 
sion^ 1900, pp. 23-33; i^id.y 1903, i, Exhibits F, G, 
H, and I ; ibid.^ 1904, i. Exhibit I (Report on Exam- 
ination of Titles to Friars' Estates) ; and Report of 
Secretary of War^ 1902, appendix O (Rome negotia- 
tions of 1902).^^^ 

The Filipino clergy and their C^M5^.~ Contests be- 
tween secular and regular ecclesiastics, and over the 

for December, 1903 (also in the same author's Philippine Life, 
chaps. V and vli). See also, in re extreme claims for the friars 
that they brought about all the internal development, settlement 
of towns, development of agriculture, etc., Sancianco y Goson, 
El progreso de Filipinas, pp. 212-223, official data as to agricul- 
ture and lands by provinces in 1862, at the beginning of the mod- 
ern era of trade and industry. 

^^^ The official correspondence In the negotiations of Governor 
Taft vrlth the Vatican, above cited, may also be mentioned here 
as discussing the question of recognition of the native clergy In 
the Philippines, and, in general, the status which the friars came 
to have there. Many loose assertions made with regard to the 
friars' titles to the Philippines will be corrected by a perusal of the 
legal report on their titles cited above. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 167 

subjection of friar-curates to ordinary jurisdiction 
had filled many pages of Philippine history in every 
century. But, when revived under somewhat new 
forms from about 1863 ^^y ^^ remarked in the intro- 
duction to these notes, they speedily assumed a new 
and rather distinct phase. The introduction has 
noted the connection of the Jesuits' return with the 
encroachment upon the Filipino secular priests and 
with the counter demand for the belated subjection 
of the friar-parishes to the ordinary ecclesiastical 
legislation and jurisdiction of the Church ; under the 
encouragement of the 1868 revolution in Spain, these 
demands grew apace from 1868 to 1872, and became 
interlaced with strictly political demands, until 
finally we may regard the cause of the Filipino clergy 
as a part of the campaign for Filipino national- 
ism. The reaction of 1872 and immediately subse- 
quent years checked it, and it has found full expres- 
sion only since Spanish sovereignty was overthrown ; 
but it is best considered in its broadest scope, as a 
part of the Filipino movement toward nationality, 
though it may have been but dimly or not at all felt 
as such by some of its most active protagonists. 

For the documents showing what was the modern 
phase of the question regarding parishes in its begin- 
nings, see the pamphlets cited in the List of the Li- 
brary of Congress under Agu[a]do (p. 64), and in 
Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca under the same name 
and numbers 681, 873, 1,348 and 1,962.^^* We must 

^^* The political phase of the attack on the friars' privileges 
which rapidly developed, especially in view of the events of 1868, 
are discussed from the friars* side in the pamphlet Apuntes inte- 
re^antes (1870), condemned by Pardo de Tavera (no. 91) and 
ascribed to Barrantes. Retana {Estadismo, ii, p. 135*) praises 
the work and ascribes it to Friar Casimiro Herrero. A general 


come down to the period of American rule for full 
statements of the case of the Filipino clergy against 
the friars. A Spanish cleric, formerly an Augustin- 
ian friar-curate, who was excloistered on his own pe- 
tition some time before the end of Spanish rule and 
has since continued to reside in the islands, has been 
the chief spokesman for the Filipino clergy. He is 
Salvador Pons y Torres, and, apart from frequent 
contributions on the subject to the press of Manila 
since 1898 and various pamphlets, he undertook to 
review the entire subject in his Defensa del clero fili- 
pino and its supplement El clero secular filipino^ 
both published at Manila in 1900; while in connec- 
tion with the visit of Delegate Chapelle, a campaign 
was being conducted for fuller recognition of the 
Filipino clergy by the Vatican/^^ Their claims are 
set forth in Memorial elevado a Sa Santidad El Papa 

argument against the friars in those times is that of Manrique 
Alonso Lallave, Los frailes en Filipinos (Madrid, 1872), parts 
of which were reproduced in El progreso, Manila, August 8-1 1, 
1901. His figures on friar revenues, etc., are grossly exaggerated. 
He was an excloistered Dominican, later turned Protestant in 
Spain, and went to the Philippines as a Protestant missionary in 
1890, being poisoned in Manila, according to V. Diaz Perez 
{Los frailes de Filipinos, Madrid, 1904, p. 10). 

^^^ See the Biblioteca, nos. 2,000 and 2,001. Both put for- 
ward the claims of the Filipinos on grounds of ecclesiastical rule 
and practice (the Council of Trent particularly), but it is to be 
feared that the author's judgment on matters of authority purely 
ecclesiastical is sometimes warped by political or personal feeling. 
The same author's Mi ultimo grito de alarma (Bigan [Luzon], 
1903) is an answer to Constitucion apostoUca Quae mare sinico 
(Manila, 1903), which is a defense of the Pope's Philippine bull 
of 1903 by Presbyter Manuel E. Roxas, a Filipino priest. Father 
Pons also had a part in Impugnacion de la censura impue^ta 
. . al Presbitero Adriano Garcia (Manila, 1900), a notable 
case which much aroused the Filipino clergy in Chapelle's time. 
Here and in Defensa del clero filipino are references to the tor- 
turing of native priests by the friars at Bigan in 1896, to make 
them confess complicity in a supposed plot for revolt in Ilokos. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 169 

Leon XIII por el Pueblo Filipino (Manila, 1900) .^^* 
For the full exposition of the question, one must 
study it under the Filipino revolution against the 
United States and in the history of the Aglipay 
schism since 1903/" 

Revolt of /<?7^.-That the chief victims of this 
episode w^ere prominent Filipino priests connects it 
rather v^ith religio-political than with purely politi- 
cal matters. The civilians who were arrested for too 
great activity in agitating for political privileges 
were deported to Guam, whence their escape to for- 
eign ports was perhaps winked at, while after a time 
some of them returned to the Philippines/^^ But 
the three most prominent priests who were tried for 
complicity in the mutiny at Cavite (Burgos, a Span- 
ish-Filipino, Zamora, a Chinese-Filipino, and Go- 
me2J, a pure-blooded Filipino) were condemned to 
death by a very speedily summoned court-martial 
and were promptly executed. If we had the record 
of the proofs submitted before this court-martial 

^^^ BiMiotecay no. 1689. Note also no. 1675. 

^^^ For the latter, consult especially La Iglesia Filipina Inde- 
pendientey organ of the schism, which was published in some sixty 
numbers between October 11, 1903, and early in 1905; also the 
recent pamphlet Documentos interesantes de la Iglesia Filipina In- 
dependiente (Manila, 1906). The history of the religious ques- 
tion under the Malalos government and guerrilla warfare, and 
especially of Aglipay 's part in it, has yet to be written from the 
documents (at least, unless those who participated are more frank 
in future than in past statements). 

^^^ See for citations and statements (in part conflicting), about 
the deportees of 1872, Montero y Vidal, Historia, iii, p. 591 and 
footnote; Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca, nos. 1462 and 1463; and 
notes by Felipe G. Calderon in supplements to El Renacimiento 
for Aug. II and 18, Sept. i and 18, 1906. Several Filipino 
priests were also deported with these civilians, who were, as has 
been noted in our introduction, for the most part of Spanish, not 
of Malay, blood, though of Philippine birth. 


(which acted very summarily and under pressure of 
official and other demonstrations of indignation, not 
to say vindictiveness), and the statement of its con- 
clusions, we should be in better position to judge 
whether or not a great injustice was done. But 
neither officially nor semi-officially was the guilt of 
the condemned ever shown, and we have either to 
accept very vehement and intemperate assertions 
about it having been proved, or to incline to the be- 
lief that these men were struck down by a power 
which stretched out its hand in the dark, and that 
their death was a punishment for having ventured 
under the preceding Liberal administrations to advo- 
cate the withdrawal of the friars as curates of par- 
ishes. Certainly this became the belief of the Fili- 
pino people, propagated from year to year by word 
of mouth (acquiring thus exaggerated and distorted 
details as being of sober truth), and occasionally 
finding expression in print.^^^ The usually sober and 

^^® Note especially Rizal's introduction to his novel El Fili- 
busterUmo, as showing Filipino opinion on the matter. A story 
circulated among the people to the effect that the friars brought 
from Sambales province a native who looked like Father Gomez 
and who impersonated the latter in order to implicate him in the 
mutiny at the Cavite arsenal, with similar details, is related in 
an "Appeal for Intervention " presented by certain Filipinos in 
Hongkong to the Consul-General of the United States at that 
place in Jan., 1897. This document, by the way, has never re- 
ceived notice in the United States so far as known to the writer, 
who has a manuscript copy of it. 

Rizal dedicated his novel El fiUbusterismo to the three priests 
executed in consequence of the Cavite uprising of 1872. That 
dedication is as follows: "The Church, by refusing to degrade 
you, has placed in doubt the crime that has been imputed to you ; 
the Government, by surrounding your trials with mystery and 
shadows, causes the belief that there was some error, committed 
in fatal moments; and all the Philippines, by worshiping your 
memory and calling you martyrs, in no sense recognize your cul- 
pability. In so far, therefore, as your complicity in the Cavite 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 171 

colorless Montero y Vidal becomes very rabid in his 
recital of this episode in Philippine history and is 
very positive not only in denouncing the priests who 
were executed and the deportees as guilty but in 
proclaiming their movement as actually separatist 
in character. He ridicules at length the account of 
the Frenchman Plauchut in the Revue des deux 
mondes for 1877; but Plauchut, as well as Montero y 
Vidal himself, was resident in or near Manila at the 
time of these occurrences. Finally, Dr. Pardo de 
Tavera, a nephew of one of the prominent Philip- 
pine Spaniards who were deported, supports Plau- 
chut's version and impeaches Montero y Vidal's."^ 
Reforms and Demands for more. " Assimilation.^^ 
-The reactionists had regained the saddle in the 
Philippines even before the Republic in Spain came 
to an end; they used the incident of the Cavite 

mutiny is not clearly proved, as you may or may not have been 
patriots, and as you may or may not have cherished sentiments 
for justice and for liberty, I have the right to dedicate my work to 
you as victims of the evil which I undertake to combat. And 
while we wait expectantly upon Spain some day to restore your 
good name and cease to be answerable for your death, let these 
pages serve as a tardy wreath of dried leaves over your unknown 
tombs, and let it be understood that every one who without clear 
proofs attacks your memory stains his hands in your blood!" 
See J. A. LeRoy's Philippine Life, pp. 149, 150.- Eds. 

^^® No real attempt to sift the evidence in the case is known 
to the writer. Montero y Vidal, Historia, iii, chap, xxvii (also 
read the three preceding chapters), gives the version of one side, 
with principal citations. Cf. Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca under 
these names, and see his version in Census of the Philippine 
Islands, i, pp. 575-579- His Resena historica de Filipino^ suf- 
fered some alterations as published in the Spanish edition of the 
Census, and was separately printed at Manila in 1906, drawing 
forth a series of articles in the Dominican periodical Libertas 
(by Friar Tamayo), which also appeared in pamphlet form 
(Sobre una "Resena historica de Filipinas,'' Manila, 1906). As 
regards the 1872 affair, Friar Tamayo has drawn almost entirely 
from Montero y Vidal. 


mutiny as a ^' horrible example," and succeeded in 
repealing or nullifying all reforms not to their taste 
even in educational or purely administrative matters. 
Till after 1880, the ^Tilipino cause" was in hiding. 
But meanwhile young Filipinos of wealth were go- 
ing abroad for education, and above all a new gen- 
eration of Filipinos were coming from the new mid- 
dle class produced by the better industrial opportuni- 
ties consequent upon expanding trade and commerce, 
were breathing in popular ideas of hostility to the 
friars in the more advanced rural districts, and were 
exchanging ideas, and imbibing in the exchange a 
new sentiment of nationality, when they met, in con- 
stantly increasing numbers, in the colleges and nor- 
mal school at Manila, Tagalogs, Ilokanos, Bisayans 
and others of the hitherto separate communities. 
Regional feeling was still strong, but it was begin- 
ning to break down.'^^ Those who went abroad for 
education soon began to propagate the idea, already 
half expressed at home, that Philippine education, 
even with the improvements, was still archaic and in 
some ways anti-modern ; and every avenue out of this 
condition was found to be blocked by the friars. If 
in reality the men of Spanish blood (in whole or 
part) who had agitated for greater political liberties 
during 1868-72, had aimed at separating the Philip- 
pines from Spain -and all the reasonable probabil- 
ities are opposed to such a belief - at any rate, the new 
generation of Filipinos who took up the cause in the 
eighties were ardent and, for some time at least, sin- 
cere advocates of Spanish-Philippine union. They 

^^^ As, for example, when Jose Rizal, yet a mere youth, scan- 
dalized the friar and ^'patriotic" Spaniards in Manila by pre- 
senting verses for a school celebration in Manila on "Mi patria " 
("My fatherland"). 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 173 

carried the matter, indeed, to the extreme, in the 
campaign for " assimilation," which has already been 
characterized as unpractical. 

Reforms of a partial nature, any statesman could 
predict, would breed the demand for more. So, dur- 
ing the eighties, when most headway was made in 
administrative and legal reforms under Liberal ad- 
ministrations, we find the Filipinos formulating de- 
mands for the first time ; and it is significant that they 
all centered about the friars. Under the liberal Gov- 
ernor-General Terrero, and with sympathetic Span- 
iards in the posts of secretary of the civil administra- 
tion and civil governor of Manila, officers of some 
of the Tagalog towns ventured to display a sense of 
independence of the traditional friar-dictatorship in 
local affairs, even (in the case of Malolos and the 
Binondo district of Manila) to carry contests with 
the friars over the personal tax-lists before higher 
authority; the friars' tenants around Kalamba, where 
Jose Rizal's parents lived, challenged the admin- 
istrator of that Dominican estate, and aired their pro- 
tests publicly in 1887;^^^ and in 1888 a public demon- 
stration against the friars, and especially Archbishop 
Payo, took place in Manila, and a petition for the 
removal of the friars was addressed to the Queen Re- 
gent. In 1 887 these civil authorities of Liberal affilia- 
tion had issued official orders regardingcemeteriesand 
church funerals, contravening, on grounds of public 
health, long-standing practices of the friar-curates; 
and the friars, even the archbishop, had been almost 

^^^ Rizal himself returned from Europe to the Orient in 1887, 
and visited his home, but was persuaded by parents and friends 
to go abroad again. He is said to have edited various circulars 
which were sent from Hongkong and distributed in the Philip- 


Openly intransigent about the matter, indicating the 
belief that they would soon upset this regime of af- 
fairs by the exercise of their power at Madrid. The 
demand on the part of some Spanish periodicals of 
Manila that the proposed government trade school 
should not be surrendered to the Augustinians was 
another indication of the current of the times/^^ 

In form at least, there was nothing in any of these 
demonstrations or representations which would not 
be perfectly legitimate under any free government. 
Yet, even before the expiration of Terrero's term, he 
was prevailed upon to send home Centeno y Garcia, 
the civil governor of Manila, and the processes of 
law had been set in action by judicial authority 
against some of the participants. And, even before 
the downfall of the Liberal ministry at Madrid, the 
mere display of a disposition on the part of Filipinos 
to speak for themselves as a people had started the 
currents of reaction there. Weyler was the successor 

^23 Marcelo del Pilar's pamphlet La soberania monacal en Fi- 
lipinas (Barcelona, 1888; reprinted at Manila, 1898) was written 
with especial reference to these incidents, documents regarding 
which are given as appendices. Retana analyzed the 1888 petition 
against the friars, and discussed its signers, in his pamphlet Avisos 
y profectof (Madrid, 1892), pp. 286-308. See also Pardo de 
Tavera's Biblioteca, nos. 1 597-1 599 and 2807, the latter being a 
separate print of the petition to the Queen, which appears in Del 
Pilar's pamphlet, appendix ix. The reply of the petitioners to 
the accusation that they really covered separatist aims under their 
attacks on friar-rule is worth quoting: 

" The aspiration for separation is contrary, Senora, to the in- 
terests of the Filipinos. The topographical situation of the coun- 
try, divided into numerous islands, and the diversity of its re- 
gional dialects demand the fortifying aid of a bond of union such 
as the ensign of Spain affords; without such a bond, it would be 
daily exposed to a breaking-up process hostile to its repose, and 
the very conditions of exuberant fertility that its fields, mines, 
and virgin forests afford would offer a powerful incentive to 
draw upon it international strife to the injury of its own future." 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 175 

of Terrero as Governor-General. The friars' repre- 
sentations at Madrid obtained, while the Liberal 
minister Becerra ^^* was still in office, the omission of 
the provisions for civil marriage and registration 
from the Civil Code as it was extended to the Phil- 
ippines in 1889. Weyler used force to quell the sub- 
sequent disturbances at Kalamba, and among the 
score or so of deportees were some of Rizal's fam- 

The Propagandists - K full history of the Filipino 
Propaganda would list a large number of names, 
both of members of the Filipino colonies abroad and 
of secret agitators and wealthy contributors at home. 
But the story must be developed from the various 
sources to be cited, and we are concerned here with 
those who figured most actively by their writings. 
Of these, Marcelo H. del Pilar and Jose Rizal were 
altogether the most notable, their prominence indeed 
leading to the formation of factions about them and 
the display of those personal jealousies which wreck 
or threaten to wreck every Filipino movement.^^^ It 

^^* Becerra, as minister for the colonies, met in social reun- 
ions with the Filipino circle of Madrid, and presented in the 
Cortes projects for " assimilation," religious liberty, and the secu- 
larization of education in the colonies and partial municipal re- 
forms for the Philippines which were the forerunners of the 
" Maura law." 

125 Friar Tamayo, in his reply to statements by Pardo de Ta- 
vera, points out that Weyler's action was in consequence of de- 
crees of the courts {Sobre una " Resena historica de FilipinaSy^ 
pp. 194-195). This Kalamba episode seems to have had a con- 
nection with the royal order of December 4, 1890 (under the new 
Conservative ministry) empowering the religious orders to dis- 
pose of their estates without intervention of the Crown, as had 
been provided by royal orders of 1834 and 1849. The friars had 
begun to make transfers to private corporations (really only fic- 
titious "holding companies") before 1898. 

^^® One finds guarded references to his enemies among the Fili- 


is significant that the propagandists coming to the 
front in the eighties were, one may say, genuine '^ sons 
of the people" though associated with them were 
others who were sons of the half-caste aristocracy. It 
is significant also, that, though these two leaders Del 
Pilar and Rizal, came from Bulakan and Laguna 
provinces respectively, the heart of the more ad- 
vanced communities of Tagalogs around Manila, yet 
the islands as a whole were beginning to be repre- 
sented in the propaganda, notably by the Lunas, from 
Ilokos, and Graciano Lopez Jaena, a Bisayan. The 
latter started the first Filipino periodical of conse- 
quence. La Solidaridadj and published eighteen 
numbers of it at Barcelona up to October 31, 1889, 
when Del Pilar took charge of it, transferred it to 
Madrid and edited it there as a fortnightly till 1895. 
It was face to face with La Politica de Espafia en 
Filipinas from 1891, and, as the latter is the chief 
source for the pro-friar and anti-liberal side of the 
controversy, so La Solidaridadj which circulated 
among the educated Filipinos in many parts of the 
archipelago despite the censorship, is the chief source 
for the writings of the propagandists/^^ 

pinos themselves in some of RizaFs private letters. The part 
played during the propaganda by hints of treachery in camp, also 
of dishonesty in the use of the funds raised by subscription in the 
Philippines, is alluded to in various of the writings to be cited 
further on. 

^^^ Mariano Ponce {El Renacimiento , Manila, Dec. 29, 1906) 
tells of an earlier periodical of propaganda, Espafia en FilipinaSy 
started at Barcelona in 1887, Lopez Jaena being one of its board 
of editors. In this connection may be mentioned Ang Kalayaan 
("Liberty") organ of the Katipunan, which published one num- 
ber (perhaps two) in Tagalog at the beginning of 1896, ostensi- 
bly in Yokohama, but really on a secret press at Manila. Data 
about it, and a translation of some of its contents into Spanish 
may be found in Retana's ArchivOy iv, Documentos politicos de 
actualidad, no. 15. Of Graciano Lopez Jaena may also be noted 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 77 

Marcelo H. del Pilar had taken an active part in 
stimulating opposition to the friar-curates, particu- 
larly in matters of local government, in his native 
province (Bulakan) for some years before the 
troubles of 1888. When the pendulum swung to- 
wards reaction, he left his family (being then a man 
of middle-age) and went to Spain to carry on the 
fight close by the center of government, support of 
his campaign being pledged by a committee who un- 
dertook to secure Filipino subscriptions, certain 
wealthy Filipinos being identified privately with the 
cause. Del Pilar's writings show nothing of the poet 
or dreamer, as do Rizal's; he had, in some degree, 
an "economic mind," though entirely untrained in 
that line, and he was at the outset of the active prop- 
aganda in Spain (1889) a maturer man than Rizal. 
Coming straight from the problems of actual life 
among his people, he stated their grievances with 
more practical reference to direct and immediate 
remedies and with special reference to their eco- 
nomic status; while Rizal, as a student in contact 
with modern European life and thought, dreamed of 
and preached, in more general terms but on a far 
wider scope, the social regeneration of his people 
and the expansion of their political rights. Del 
Pilar would have made a good representative of his 
people in the Cortes. But Rizal was a genius, who 
with the touch of imagination and satire lifted the 
cause of the Filipinos to a place in the thought of 
the world, and at the same time, as poet and patriot 
combined, fired the enthusiasm of his own people and 
became their idol. And, in the course of events, 

the pamphlet Discursos y articulos varios (Barcelona, 1891). He 
died in Spain in 1895. 


it was Rizal who proved the soberer, the more ma- 
ture as time went by. He was opposed to means of 
violence, even to the last, and the whole record bears 
out his protestations on this score; he still looked to 
the future as a dreamer-patriot, but he also looked 
to the present state of his people and saw that the 
most vital problem was the teaching them that they 
must raise themselves by their own efforts, must de- 
serve a better destiny. Del Pilar, disappointed by 
the failure to achieve greater immediate, practical 
results by relying upon the progress of Liberalism 
in Spain, after seven years of propaganda along these 
lines, was starting for Hongkong or Japan, to con- 
duct there a really revolutionary campaign, when 
death overtook him shortly before the Tagalog revolt 
in 1896. He had, apparently, lost faith in the ideals 
of ** assimilation," of Spanish-Filipino unity, which 
he had set forth in glowing phrases in 1888 and 1889. 
He had also, apparently, become convinced that the 
upper-class Filipinos, especially the most wealthy 
and prominent, were too lukewarm or too prone to 
temporize for safety's sake, that the time had come 
to make the cause more distinctly one of the people 
as a whole. He is credited with having suggested 
and outlined the organization of the Katipunan, and 
he seems to have concluded that it was time for the 
Filipinos to resort to Cuba's example and not to po- 
litical petitions only.^^® 

^^^ Epifanio de los Santos (one of the propagandists, now an 
official under the Philippine government) is publishing a biog- 
raphy and bibliography of M. H. del Pilar, reproducing docu- 
ments and letters in Plaridel (pseudonym of Del Pilar), a weekly 
started at Bulakan, Luzon, Jan. i, 1907. Besides La Solidaridad 
and La soberania monacaly the writings of Del Pilar most deserv- 
ing mention are the pamphlets La frailocracia filipina (Barce- 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 179 

Even in Noli me tangerey first published under his 
own eye at Berlin in 1887, when Rizal, at the age of 
twenty-six, was just fairly setting out in life, there 
are many evidences that the author, if he meant pri- 
marily to set before the world the backwardness of 
the existing social and political regime in the Phil- 
ippines, its stifling of thought, and its many tyran- 
nies, had also in mind to set before his people, in 
some of his instantaneous photographs of Philippine 
life, their own defects. In El filibusterismo (Ghent, 
1891), the more mature reformer preached yet more 
plainly the necessity of social and political progress 
beginning from below, and not simply inspired from 
above. That his people took the lessons meant for 
themselves (and take them still today) less to heart 
than they responded to the satire and invective di- 
rected against the form of rule imposed upon them, 
was the fault not of Rizal but of human nature, prone 
to apply the preacher's words only to the other fel- 

It is a great misfortune that we have in English 
no real translation of Noli me tangere^''^ and none 
at all of £/ filibusterismo^ which, as a political docu- 
ment, is the stronger of the two.'^'' It is no less re- 
grettable that no biography of Rizal, tracing his 

lona, 1889), and Los frailes en Filipinos (Barcelona, 1889), by 
" Padpiuh." 

^^^ The two alleged translations published in the United States 
under altered titles, do not merit even a mention ; one is a garbled 
and partial translation from the Spanish, the other an "adapta- 
tion'* from a French version of the original, boiled dow^n to give 
the "story" and thus shorn of the very descriptive passages and 
delicious bits of satire w^hich make the w^ork notable, not as a 
novel, but as an exposition. 

^^^ The various Spanish reprints (also a French one) of these 
novels may be found cited in Retana's recent work, mentioned 
below. The best to date, but no longer easily attainable, are 


mental development and his relation with the events 
of 1880 to 1896, nor even a good biographical sketch 
of him, has been published in the English language. 
Retana's biographical and bibliographical notes, 
published in a Madrid monthly, Nuestro TiempOj 
1904-06, and about to appear in book form, are in- 
dispensable as the only comprehensive work on the 
subject, and resort must be had to them for a full 
array of citations, as also for many documents not 
available elsewhere/^^ Rizal's edition (Paris, 1890) 
of Morga's Sucesos de las islas Filipinas has already 
been cited in connection with that work in VOLS. XV 
and XVI of this series (see note 3 of former). Its an- 

editions of both novels printed at Manila in 1900 by Chofre & 

^^^ There must also be seen the collections Documentor po- 
liticos de actualidad in Retana's Archivo^ iii and iv, especially 
those in the latter volume connected w^ith Rizal's trial and exe- 
cution. Besides the documents there reproduced - the diary of 
Rizal as a student in Madrid (now in the library of Edward E. 
Ayer, of Chicago), notes and documents furnished to Retana by 
various friends and coworkers of Rizal (especially by Epifanio de 
los Santos) -use has been made in Retana's latest work of data 
published in the Filipino press from 1898 to date, particularly in 
the special numbers which appear annually in connection with 
the anniversaries of Rizal's execution (December 30). Among 
these may be named especially: ha Independencia, Sept. 25, 
1898, and Jan. 2, 1899 (Rizal's letters to Blumentritt regarding 
his relations with Blanco and recall to Manila for trial; also 
quoted by Foreman) ; La Patria, Dec. 30, 1899; La Democracia, 
Homenaje a Rizal, separately printed at Manila, 1899, with sev- 
enteen Rizal articles, sixteen reproduced from La Solidaridad; La 
Democracia, Dec. 29, 30 or 31, 1901-06, especially Dec. 29, 1905 
(notes by Santos) ; El Renacimiento , same dates; ibid,, April 28, 
1906 (notes by Retana) ; ibid,, May 26, June 2, and Dec. 29, 
1906 (notes by Mariano Ponce) ; ibid,, Sept. 22, 1906 (notes by 
Edouardo Late) ; La Independencia, Sept. 12, 14, 17, and 18, 1906 
(Rizal's correspondence from his place of exile at Dapitan with 
Father Pastells, the Jesuit superior, regarding his religious belief, 
and incidentally his loyalty to Spain). 

See also La Juventud (Barcelona), El Doctor Rizal y su 
obra, published in 1897.- Eds. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 8 1 

notations are Rizal's chief contribution to the history 
of his people, and it must be said that his politi- 
cal feeling has crept into them to the damage 
often of their scientific value/^^ There also deserve 
mention here Rizal's discussion in 1889 ^^ ^he future 
of his people/^^ and some of Blumentritt's writings 
about Rizal and in his defense/^* 

Masonrjy, Liga Filipina, etc-\n almost all the 
Spanish writings about the Philippine insurrection, 
especially those by friars, we find it ascribed primarily 
to ** Franc-Masoneria," the terrible bugaboo in nam- 
ing which the Spanish friar sums up in one word his 
notion of all that is pernicious in modern life since 
the French Revolution, and the chief cause of the 
loss by Spain of her American colonies. So, as to 
the Philippines, the argument is, had not Spanish 
Masons been able secretly to organize there, and to 
pervert the minds of certain Filipinos, the colony 
would have remained in its loyalty of primitive sim- 
plicity and happiness. The truth is that Masonry 
played a very secondary part in the Filipino agitation 
for reform, furnishing simply a convenient medium 
for conducting the propaganda. Up to the last ten 
years of Spanish rule, only a few lodges of Spanish 
Liberals and foreigners, into which some of the half- 

^^^ Morga, who gave a more truly scientific and in many re- 
spects more favorable view of the Filipinos at the time of 
the conquest than the later friar-chroniclers, had been neglected 
by Spanish writers and students, and Rizal's purpose in bringing 
out the Sucesos was primarily to correct many recent exagger- 
ations in the literature about the Filipinos. The bitterness with 
which his work (and even Morga himself) was assailed revealed 
the political spirit of the times. 

^^^ Filipino^ dextro de cien ahos, in La Soltdaridady reprinted 
in Re tana's Archivo, v. 

^^* Library of Congress List, pp. 99, 100; and Pardo de Ta- 
vera's Biblioteca, nos. 307, 308, 339 and 341 (also 1087). 


castes and more well-to-do Filipinos had been ad- 
mitted, had been organized in the Philippines, and 
had led a rather irregular existence. At about the 
time when La Solidaridad was moved to Madrid, a 
Spanish-Filipino Association was there formed, in 
which Spaniards and Filipinos combined to agitate 
for reform. This circle was virtually identified in 
membership with a certain Spanish Grand Lodge 
(probably spurious, as regards the legitimate parent 
organization of Free Masonry), which delegated 
agents to conduct the active organization of new 
Philippine lodges dependent upon it. It appears 
certain that this was done with the idea definitely in 
view of being able thus to propagate liberal political 
ideas and secretly distribute such literature among 
the Filipinos, also the more easily to raise funds for 
the work. But had not such a favorable means of 
conducting the propaganda been presented, it would 
have been improvised. One must subject to critical 
examination the Spanish writings, and will readily 
discover their exaggerated deductions from such 
facts as came to light.^^^ Interesting reading is af- 
forded by the confidential Royal Order of July 2, 

^^^ As also their tendency to assume that every Spanish official 
who favored a more liberal political regime in the Philippines did 
so because he w^as a Mason. The books of Sastron and Castillo 
y Jimenez (especially pp. 37^-376, 382), also the friar pamphlets 
of Garcia-Barzanallana (Library of Congress List, p. 103) and 
Navarro (Biblioteca, no. 1,811), are especially in point. See, for 
accounts from the same point of view, the report of the Spanish 
officer of the civil guard, Olegario Diaz, no. 77 of Documentos 
politico^ in the Archivo, iii, and other documents in that series in 
vols, m, and iv. Masones y ultramontanes, by Juan Utor y Fer- 
nandez (Manila, 1899), is a defense of Masonry by a Spaniard 
who founded lodges in the Philippines. V. Diaz Perez m the 
pamphlet Los frailes de Filipinas brings out from the same point 
of view some figures and other data on Masonry in the Philip- 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 183 

1896, addressed to Governor-General Blanco/^^ It 
approves his deportation of the principales, or head- 
men, of Malolos and Taal (who had defied the local 
friar-curates), and orders him to have provincial and 
other officials watch and report confidentially on all 
secret organizations (forbidden by the Laws of the 
Indies, as recited in Royal Order of August 2, 1888) 
and list all persons of whom " there may be indica- 
tions enough to believe that they are affiliated," etc. 
(opening up thus a splendid opportunity for private 
denunciations) . He is to use in this secret work only 
officials who are Peninsulars, never natives ; so also 
he is to invite cooperation of ^^ the parish-priests who 
belong to the religious orders." As to punishments, 
it is preferable to deport the "suspected," fixing their 
residence in the Moro country or Guam, rather than 
to exile them, as they would then join the colonies 
abroad and conduct a propaganda. 

The project of Marcelo del Pilar for an associa- 
tion called Solidaridad Filipina^^^'^ which came to 
nothing practical, and the Liga Filipina^ organized 
by Rizal just before his deportation from Manila in 
July, 1892, though in part modeled after Masonry, 
are among the things which show that the Filipino 
propagandists did not confine their efforts to Ma- 
sonic organization. Our Spanish sources would have 
it that the Liga Filipina was really separatist in char- 
acter, and the prosecution deliberately based upon 
this charge the demand for Rizal's conviction in 
1896. It remains unproved, and the statutes of the 
League as prepared by RizaP^^ entirely support his 

^^^ In his Memoria al Senado (Madrid, 1897), PP- 158-163. 

^^^ See Biblioteca^ no. 2,665. 

^^^ Cited in their original draft, somewhat skeletonized, in the 


assertion that the design of the League was to foster 
cooperation among the Filipinos, to ^' raise the arts 
and sciences," and develop Filipino commercial and 
economic interests generally. The organization was 
a fraternal society, in effect, the aim being to bring 
Filipinos closer together in a ^' brotherhood," and in- 
cidentally to undermine the control of Chinese and 
others upon the trade of the country -in which re- 
spects it would likely have proved mostly Utopian, 
even had not political conditions and Rizal's deporta- 
tion brought it virtually to naught. In the pledges 
of its "brothers" to stand by each other for the 
** remedy of abuses " as well as for other things, the 
League very plainly looked toward unity of action 
in matters social and political, and no doubt the idea 
of bringing his people together for such political 
action as might become possible was foremost in the 
mind of Rizal and its other organizers. But this 
does not prove the charge that it merely covered up 
a plan to get arms and rise in rebellion as soon as 

The Katipunan-Wt come now to the parting of 
the ways. Just as Marcelo del Pilar had concluded 
that the time was at hand for more vigorous meas- 
ures, so on the other hand some of the Filipinos of 
education and social position (cautious also, in some 
cases, because of their property) had become discour- 
aged and faint-hearted. The deportation of Rizal 
had its effect in 1892, and the local government re- 
forms of 1893-94 were followed by a reactionary 
government in Spain which might nullify even such 

notes furnished for Retana's Vida y escritos de Jose Rizal by E. 
de los Santos, and by the latter also furnished in a manuscript copy 
to the writer (of which see the translation post, pp. 217-226). 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 185 

concessions, in the face of the constant demand for 
a check upon the half-liberal regime of Blanco. Some 
of the middle-class leaders of Manila, who had been 
drawn into the Masonic movement, had decided that 
the time had come to organize the masses, at least in 
the Tagalog provinces. Andres Bonifacio, an em- 
ploye of a foreign business house in Manila, was the 
leading spirit; gathering his ideas of modern reform 
from reading Spanish treatises on the French Revo- 
lution, he had imbibed also a notion that the methods 
of the mob in Paris were those best adapted to secure 
amelioration for the Filipinos. His ideas were those 
of a socialist, and of a socialist of the French Revolu- 
tion type, and he thought them applicable to an un- 
developed tropical country, where the pressure of 
industrial competition is almost unknown, and where 
with the slightest reasonable exertion starvation may 
be dismissed from thought. There was in this new 
propaganda an element of resentment toward the 
wealthy, upper-class Filipinos, the landed proprie- 
tors in general, as well as toward the friar landlords 
and the whole fabric of government and society rest- 
ing on them. Summing up all the evidence he has 
been able to obtain on the Katipunan, the writer 
agrees with Felipe G. Calderon, a Filipino, in his 
opinion ^^^ that its socialistic character negatives the 
assertion of the Spanish writers that the upper-class 
Filipinos were its real supporters and directors, 
working in the background; and that, while this 
propaganda from below looked to independence and 
the substitution of Spanish rule by Filipino rule, yet 
it was without any political program, properly 

^^^ Notes, etc., in El Renacimiento, Manila, Aug. 11 and 18, 
Sept. I and 18, Oct. 13, 1906. 


speaking, and there was merely a crude idea in the 
minds of the masses that they were somehow going 
to shake off their masters, get rid of the whites, and 
divide up the big estates not only of the friars but 
of Filipino landholders as well. Calderon does not 
discuss the alleged plan of the Katipunan to assas- 
sinate the whites, especially the friars. It is certain 
that such bloodthirsty ideas were in the minds of 
some of the leaders; but the more direct documen- 
tary evidence that has been produced on this point 
is perhaps open to the suspicion that it was manufac- 
tured in connection with the courts-martial which 
operated with such fury after the outbreak of revolt 
in 1896.^*^ After all the furore that had been made, 
the actual revelations as to the importance of the 
organization, character of its leaders, number of its 
followers, and extent of its operations, would have 
made the whole affair somewhat ridiculous, had it 
not been represented that behind this humble organi- 
zation of perhaps forty thousand initiates in the Ta- 
galog towns there was a great program for setting 
up an independent government and that the upper- 
class Filipinos were simply using this organization 
as a stalking-horse. The truth appears to be that, 
while these over-important Katipunan leaders 
thought in terms grandiloquent, and led their humble 

^^^ This Is especially true of the documents given by Jose M. 
del Castillo y Jimenez, El Katipunan 6 el Filibusterismo en Fill- 
pina^ (Madrid, 1897), PP- ii4-ii7j i 18-123, whence they have 
been quoted by various other writers. It Is to be noted, first, 
that the source of these documents has never been given; they 
are not among the extracts from the official records of the courts- 
martial reproduced In Retana's Archivo, III, and Iv; and, finally, 
certain passages In them read suspiciously as If prepared for the 
purpose of proving the most exaggerated statements about the 
Katipunan and of magnifying the scope and alms of the whole 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 87 

followers in the towns around Manila most affected 
by the propaganda to indulge in futile and ridiculous 
dreams of a coming millennium (while some of them- 
selves were quarreling over the obols contributed), 
the movement was mostly talk even up to the time 
when an Augustinian curate in Manila made him- 
self the hero of the rabid Spanish element in Manila 
by " exposing" an organization about which the gov- 
ernmental authorities had had partial information 
for some weeks, or even months. Bonifacio started 
this separate organization in 1894, ^^^ Calderon 
seems to be correct in saying that work in the towns 
outside of Manila was only begun in the spring of 
1896. The humble followers were assured that the 
Japanese government would help them oust Spain, 
and that rifles to arm the whole population would 
come from there. But Japan never in the least vio- 
lated her obligations to Spain, and, if the leaders even 
bought any rifles in Japan, they must have been few 
indeed.^*^ When Bonifacio sent an emissary to Dapi- 
tan in the spring of 1896, to propose to Rizal a plan 
of armed revolt and that he should escape on a steam 
vessel sent for the purpose, and join in this campaign, 
Rizal rejected the proposition as folly, and displayed 
his great impatience with it.^*^ On every ground, it 
seems probable that, had not Friar Gil and the Span- 
ish press of Manila been so insistent on giving great 
publicity to some Katipunan engraving-stones, re- 

^^^ See on this subject an article by J. A. LeRoy, Japan and 
the Philippine Islands, in Atlantic Monthly , January, 1906. 
Primo de Rivera, in his Memoria (1898), several times declares 
that the Cavite insurgents of 1896-97 never had more than 1,500 
firearms, including rifles of all sorts, shotguns, and revolvers. 

^^^ This was allowed to appear even in the testimony as written 
down by the Spanish military court (Retana's Archivo, iii, Docu- 
mentos politicos, nos. 35, 46, and 55). 


ceipts for dues, etc., kept in hiding by the affiliated 
employes of a Spanish newspaper, the revolt might 
never have come about at all. Certainly, no date 
was set for it (though various future dates had been 
vaguely discussed), till the sudden arrests of August 
19 and 20, 1896, sent Bonifacio and his companions 
fleeing to Bulakan Province where, practically with- 
out arms, they appealed to their fellow-workers in 
Bulakan, Manila, and Cavite provinces to rise in 
revolt on August 30. The friars and the rabid ele- 
ment of Spanish patriots were so anxious to force the 
hand of Blanco, and to discredit him, that, it may be, 
they forced upon a military commander whose troops 
were mostly in Mindanao a revolt that, a few months 
further on, might either have dissipated itself or have 
been avoided by an adequate show of force.^^^ 

Because the friars are so much to the fore in all 
the discussions of these events, we must not overlook 
the part played by governmental abuses, as already 
described. The Civil Guard, given a more extensive 
organization and scope of action during these closing 
years of Spanish rule, by its abuses (committed, for 
the most part, by Filipinos upon their own fellows) 
played probably the foremost part in drawing odium 
upon the government.^** Next to police abuses, and 

^^^ Besides Castillo y Jimenez, the Katipunan will be found 
discussed in nearly all the sources to be cited on the 1896-97 in- 
surrection. Data on Bonifacio are scanty, but see El Renacimiento, 
April 23, 1903; ibid.y for the notes of Calderon, above cited, and 
of Aug. 30, 1906, for a letter by Pio Valenzuela; also comments 
by A. Mabini and notes by J. A. LeRoy in American Historical 
Review, xi, pp. 843-861. A pamphlet, The Katipunan (Manila, 
1902), by Francis St. Clair ( ?), published in order to put before 
Americans the friar view of the Filipino revolutionists, contains 
an English version of the report of Olegario Diaz, cited above; 
Its notes, drawn indiscriminately from Retana, Castillo y Jimenez, 
and others, are full of errors. 

^^* Friar Zamora {Las corporaciones religiosas en FilipinaSy 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 189 

sometimes allied with them, were the misuses of the 
powers of local government (with which alone the 
great majority of the people came into direct con- 
tact), especially in regard to the levy of forced labor; 
and here again, the humble Filipino's complaint was 
chiefly against his own fellow-countrymen of power 
and position. But, summing up all the administra- 
tive abuses and all the evils of the government sys- 
tem, we are still left a long way from agreement 
with the friars' assertions that the masses loved them 
and that governmental abuses were the sole cause of 

Insurrection of iSgd-gy-No history from the 

pp. 324-325) says the forces of the Civil Guard sent to the Bi- 
sayas were recruited not from the best men in the Filipino in- 
fantry regiments, as the Governor-General ordered, but from the 
vrorst, because these were the men whom the infantry colonels 
would let go. " We parish-priests knew this, because the Civil 
Guard officers themselves so told us ; we saw, a few days after the 
posts were established in the towns, that the majority of the 
Guards ought to be serving, not in that corps of prestige, but in 
some disciplinary corps or in the penitentiary. Nevertheless, from 
our pulpits we recommended and eulogized what caused us dis- 
gust and displeasure, because it was so ordered by the Governor- 
General to the provincial of the monastic orders, and directly to 
the parish-priests themselves through the medium of the govern- 
ors of provinces." 

^^^ Joaquin Pellicena y Lopez, a Spanish journalist of Manila, 
an admirer of the Jesuits (in some degree, perhaps, an exponent 
of Jesuit views on recent years in the Philippines), in the pam- 
phlet Los frailes y los filipinos (Manila, Jan., 1901), defends the 
work of the friars as a historical whole, but condemns their un- 
willingness to progress with the times. As one proof that the 
rebellion of 1896 was against the friars, not against Spain, he 
says (pp. 27-28) that Governor-General Polavieja*s demand for 
25,000 fresh troops in April, 1897, was only a pretext to cover 
his resignation. Polavieja, who came out to succeed Blanco and 
under whom Rizal was almost immediately executed, had sud- 
denly become convinced, says this journalist, by reading corre- 
spondence of Aguinaldo with the Jesuit superior, that the real 
cause of the trouble was the friars. As virtually emissary and 
appointee of the friars, the inference is, Polavieja concluded it 
would be impossible for him to settle the difficulties successfully. 


Filipino side has yet come to light, and there are 
certain points that can be cleared up only by the 
frank testimony of the Filipino participants/^^ We 
are dependent chiefly on Spanish sources, written in 
the passion of the times by men not careful about 
sifting the facts. All things considered, the two best 
sources, both for what they say and for what may be 
inferred from them, are the so-called Memorias of 
two Governor-Generals, prepared in order to defend 
their administrations before the Spanish Senate and 
the public; that of Blanco covering the prepara- 
tory stage and early months of the rebellion, that 
of Primo de Rivera its closing stages. Between these 
two Governor-Generals, the work of Monteverde y 
Sedano covers the military operations under Pola- 

Blanco's Memoria^^'^ affords, unconsciously, the 
most severe indictment that could be passed on 
Spain's fitness to hold the Philippines (or her other 
colonies) in 1898. This man was really of liberal 
temperament; he had formed a just conception of 
the real insignificance of the Katipunan movement; 
and he strove, when the crisis was prematurely forced 
on him, to restrain the vindictiveness of the rabid 
Spanish element, and really believed in the efficacy 
of a ^^ policy of attraction." But instead of setting 
forth on broader grounds the reasons for his course 
of action and discussing with sincerity and frankness 

The letters of Aguinaldo to Pio Pi are most interesting, at least 
(see La Politica de Espana en Filipinas, vli, pp. 326-328). 

^*^ Notably the "removal" of Andres Bonifacio in 1897 (re- 
garding which the Bonifacio note above cites incomplete data), 
and the Biak-na-bato negotiation, treated below. 

^^^ Memoria que at Senado dirige el General Blanco acerca de 
los ultimos sucesos ocurridos en la isla de Luzon (Madrid, 1897). 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 9 ^ 

a policy for the Philippines, he felt compelled after 
his return to Spain to bow before the howls of press 
and public. He defends himself before his cler- 
ical-conservative critics not by showing the folly of 
their illiberal policy for the colony, but endeavors 
to prove that they were wrong in accusing him of lack 
of severity as well as of energy. Thus we learn (p. 
20) that, even under a Blanco, before the outbreak 
came, one thousand and forty-two persons had been 
deported ^^ as Masons, disaffected and suspicious or 
harmful to their towns." During the night of 
August 19-20, 1896, following the sensation created 
by Friar Gil, there were forty-three arrests in Ma- 
nila, and three hundred more within the next week. 
During September, thirty-seven men taken in arms 
were shot, after summary trials (p. 25.) The 
number of Filipinos, mostly men of some position, 
who had not taken up arms, but were arrested for 
alleged complicity in the Katipunan, and involved in 
the trials before a special court for conspiracy and 
sedition, very soon mounted to five hundred, includ- 
ing those sent in from the provinces. Some remained 
incomunicados for more than forty days. The men 
executed from September 4 to December 12, 1896, 
when Blanco surrendered command to Polavieja, 
numbered seventy-four in all.^*^ 

Evidence as to the ^^ reign of terror" that was 
inaugurated in Manila may be drawn from the Span- 
ish treatises to be cited, wherein the episode is re- 

'^^^ Ibid., pp. 64-68, 163-169. The real Blanco expresses him- 
self in these sentences : " For some people, proof of character and 
energy is given by ordering executions right and left, at the pleas- 
ure of the public, which is wont to be excited by passion; but, 
on the contrary, energy is shown by resisting all kinds of abuses, 
and this one most of all. To shoot men is very easy ; the difficult 
thing is not to do it." 


cited with gusto. The Spanish press of Manila for 
1896-98; also that of Spain, especially Philippine 
letters of 1896-98 in La Politica de Espana en Fili- 
pinas, El Heraldo, El Imparcial and El Correo of 
Madrid, furnished the original source of information 
for these writers, and should be used to supplement 
this history of the insurrection. Transcriptions of 
testimony taken by the special court for sedition and 
conspiracy appear in Retana's ArchivOy iii and iv, 
and evidences that the more yielding witnesses had 
their phraseology, and sometimes their statements of 
fact, dictated to them will be noted by the careful 
reader, especially if he be familiar with Spanish 
methods of judicial procedure. References to the 
common use of torture to make witnesses (in some 
cases eager enough to insure their own safety by 
"delation") sign such testimony, will be found in 
the Filipino press since 1898, occasionally also in 
Spanish periodicals of Manila since 1898.^*^ These 
same sources also supplement the citations on Rizal 
already given, for the story of his trial and execution, 
and the increase of severity and terrorism after Pola- 
vieja took charge. They are also, in the main, our 
sole, fragmentary sources on the state of Cavite dur- 
ing insurgent control of the province, the insurgent 
organization, etc.^^^ 

^*^ See also Senate Document no, 62 for hearsay testimony by 
foreigners at Paris regarding the " reign of terror," tortures, etc. ; 
and the books of Foreman and Sawyer for similar testimony. 

^^^ It is to be noted that some of J:he worst stories of Filipino 
outrages upon Spanish captives, especially friars, later proved to 
be rumors, or were exaggerated, though some brutalities were 
committed. See La Democracia, Manila, July I2, 1906, for an 
alleged confession by Friar Piernavieja (extorted from him, and 
dictated to him in bad Spanish) ; ibid,^ July 14, 1906, for data 
regarding the execution of him and two other friars in Cavite, in 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 193 

The Spanish treatises and pamphlets on the insur- 
rection are:^^^ Jose M. del Castillo y Jimenez, El 
Katipunan, 6 el Filibusterismo en Filipinas (Ma- 
drid, 1897). Partial accounts of events of 1896-97; 
already characterized as rabid and cheaply patriotic. 

Ricardo Monet y Carretero, Comandancia general 
de Panay y Negros. Alteraciones de orden publico 
. . . desde Octubre de l8g6 a Marzo de iSqJ 
(Iloilo, 1897). Mostly official proclamations, etc., 
by the author as commander in the western district 
of Bisayas, regarding disturbances there and symp- 
toms of a tendency to revolt. 

E. Reverter y Dtlm^s- Filipinos pot Espana. Na- 

rracion episodica de la rebelion en el archipielago 

Filipino (Barcelona, 1897) 5 2 vols. The title of a 

later edition is La insurreccion de Filipinas, Known 

to the writer only by title.^^^ 

" reprisal " for the execution of RfzaL Isabel© de los Reyes's pam- 
phlet La religion del Katipunan (Madrid, 1900), as also other 
writings in Filipinos ante Europa and El defensor de Filipinas, 
a periodical edited at Madrid, 1 899-1 901 by Reyes, may be 
mentioned here, as to Aguinaldo and the revolutionary movement 
in general; statements therein are commonly unreliable. 

^^^ A few are in the List of the Library of Congress, under 
Political and Social Economy, and American Occupation, 1898- 
1903. Some may be found under the authors' names in Pardo de 
Tavera's Biblioteca. 

'^^^ So also La soberania nacional, by D. Paradada, a Jesuit 
(Barcelona, 1897), cited by Pardo de Tavera, as "stupid." In 
this connection may be cited the following titles of Spanish writings 
on the events following May, 1898, which contain some back- 
ward glances upon the earlier phases of the Filipino revolution, 
also some Spanish imprevision ; Juan y Jose Toral.- El sitio de 
Manila (Manila, 1898). Jose Roca de Togores y Saravia (secre- 
tary of Council of Administration of Philippines).— jE/ bloqueo 
y sitio de Manila, V. M. Concas y Palau.- Causa inftruida por 
la destruccion de la escuadra de Filipinas y entrega del arsenal de 
Cavite. Notas taquigrdficas (Madrid, 1899). Isern.-Z)^/ de- 
sastre nacional y sus causas (Madrid, 1899). Luis Morero Jerez. 
--Los prisioneros espanoles en poder de los tagalos (Manila, Dec, 


Enrique Abella y Casariego, Filipinas (Madrid, 
1898). More temperate than most other Spanish 
writings. Treats of the development of the insurrec- 
tion, and of the course of events under Blanco, Pola- 
vieja, and Primo de Rivera. 

Federico de Monteverde y Sedano, Campafia de 
Filipinas, La division Lachambre. l8gj, (Madrid, 
1898.) Excellent account of the campaign of Pola- 
vieja by his aide; somewhat grandiloquent, consid- 
ering the comparative insignificance of the military 
operations themselves. 

Lies Philippines et Vinsurrection de i8q6-i8qJ 
(Paris, 1899) ; a thirty-nine-page reprint from Re- 
vue militaire de Vetranger, 

L. Aycart-Z/<2 campafia de Filipinas, Recuerdos 
e impresiones de un medico militar (Madrid, 1900). 
Contains some charts and some interesting data on 
the military campaign as such. 

Manuel Sastr6n-L<2 insurreccion en Filipinas y 
guerra hispano-americana (Madrid, 1901).^^^ Writ- 

1899). Carlos Ria-Baja (a prisoner of the Filipinos).- £/ de- 
sastre filipino (Barcelona, 1899). Antonio del Rio (a prisoner, 
Spanish governor of Laguna Province).- Sitio y rendicion de Santa 
Cruz de la Laguna (Manila, 1899). El Capitan Verdades (Juan 
de JJrqmz)- Historia negra (Barcelona, 1899). Joaquin D. 
Duran (a friar pnsoner) - E pis odios de la revolucion filipina 
(Manila, 1900). Ulpiano Herrero y Sampedro (a prisoner ).- 
Nuestra prision en poder de los revolucionarios filipinos (Ma- 
nila, 19CX)). Graciano Martinez (a friar ^risontr) - Memoria 
del cautiverio (Manila, 1900). C. P. (Carlos Penaranda).- 
Ante la opinion y ante la historia (Madrid, 1900) ; a defense of 
Admiral Montojo. Bernardino Nozaleda (Archbishop of Ma- 
nila).- D^/ew^ obligada contra acusaciones gratuitas (Madrid, 
1904) ; especially for communications to Blanco, 1895-96, in re 
Katipunan, etc. 

153 Y'lTSt published under the title La insurreccion en Filipinas 
(Madrid, 1897), hut the later volume, covering also the events 
of late 1897 ^^^ 1898 and the war with the United States, is 
more complete. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 195 

ten by a Spanish ojfficial in Manila during this time, 
and composed of accounts and documents drawn 
mainly from the press of Manila. It is, however, 
the most useful arsenal of data. 

Major John S. Mallory-TA^ Philippine Insur- 
rection^ I8g6'l8g8 (appendix viii to report of 
Major-General G. W. Davis, commanding the di- 
vision of the Philippines, in Report of War Depart- 
ment^ 1903, vol. 3, pp. 399-425). A non-critical 
compilation, mostly from Sastron and Monteverde y 
Sedano. It is, however, by far the best review of the 
1896-97 insurrection as such that is available in 
English, and is a fairly satisfactory account for one 
who cannot consult the Spanish sources. Far better 
than Foreman's account. 

M. Arroyo Vea-Murguia-Z)^/^wj<3^ del sitio de 
Naic (Filipinas). Antes y despues. (Madrid, 
1904.) Of little value. 

The Pact of Biak-na-bato.- Futpostlyj the word 
" treaty," so often applied to this transaction, is here 
avoided; for, apart from technical objections to a 
word that applies to agreements between sovereign 
powers, this was no treaty in any sense of the word. 
There was some mystery surrounding the negotia- 
tions by which the insurgent chiefs surrendered a 
few hundred nondescript firearms and retired to 
Hongkong; untrue or half-true charges were ban- 
died back and forth, for political effect, in the Cortes 
and the press of Spain; and, of the chief actors in 
the affair, only Primo de Rivera has given his ac- 
count-perhaps not with entire frankness.^^* Agui- 

^^^ Memoria dirigida al Senado por el Capitdn General D. 
Fernando Primo de Rivera y Sobremonte acerca de sa gestion en 
Filipinas, Agosto de i8q8 (Madrid, 1898). Pp. 121-158 cover 
the Biak-na-bato negotiation. 


naldo has confined his statements on the subject to 
the most brief assertions of a general nature ^^^ to the 
effect that reforms by the Spanish government were 
promised. Primo de Rivera categorically denies this ; 
while Pedro A. Paterno, the go-between, has made 
no statement at all during the nine years that have 
passed since the conflicting statements have been be- 
fore the public, involving directly the question of 
his own veracity and good faith. Primo de Rivera 
is an ex parte witness, to be sure ; but his statements 
upon the more vital points involved are corroborated 
by the very insurgent documents on this subject cap- 
tured by the American army in 1899 and now in 
the War Department at Washington.^^^ Primo de 
Rivera says that, when Paterno presented a paper 
early in the negotiations containing a full program 
of reforms,^^^ he rejected the document absolutely, 

^^^ £.^., In his Reseha veridica (only signed, not written by 
him), an English translation of which appears in Congressional 
Record^ xxxv, appendix, pp. 440-445. 

^^^ See Congressional Record, xxxv, part 6, pp. 6092-94, for 
English translations with explanatory notes. See also Senate 
Document no, 208, 56th Congress, ist session, part 2, for the 
documents showing the discussion of the junta of Filipinos at 
Hongkong in February and May, 1898, relative to the Biak-na- 
bato money payments and the obligations thereby contracted to- 
ward the Spanish government. When the Philippine Insurgent 
Records now in manuscript in the War Department, edited by 
Captain J. R. M. Taylor, are published, all the captured docu- 
ments on this and later matters will be brought together. 

^^^ The same as has frequently been cited as the program of 
reforms promised by Primo de Rivera, or even as being contained 
in an actual treaty. Such statements have usually been reproduced 
from Foreman or directly from insurgent proclamations. It is 
notable that in these {e.g., that of the La Junta Patriotica, Hong- 
kong, April, 1898) it is only declared that Primo de Rivera 
" promised " these reforms, and that he himself would remain in 
the Philippines during a three-year *' armistice," as a guarantee 
that the reforms would be carried out. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 1 97 

saying he could not discuss such matters with the in- 
surgent chiefs, that the Spanish government would 
accord such reforms as it thought wise, and he could 
only interpose his good offices to make recommen- 
dations in that respect. The copy of this document 
now in the War Department at Washington shows 
the clauses about reform to have been crossed out. 
Primo de Rivera says that, from that time forth, the 
negotiation was purely on the basis of a payment to 
the rebel chiefs to surrender their arms, order the 
insurgents in the other provinces to do the same, and 
emigrate to foreign parts. The only documents bear- 
ing signatures on both sides, either of those published 
at Washington or elsewhere, refer exclusively to 
these particular points of money, surrender of arms, 
and program of emigration, though Paterno inserted 
in a preliminary of the final contract on these sub- 
jects a clause as to reposing confidence in the Spanish 
government to "satisfy the desire of the Filipino 
people." ^^^ Primo de Rivera recommended the 
transaction to his government for one reason, ex- 
pressly because it would "discredit [despresti- 
giando'] the chiefs selling out and emigrating." ^^^ 

The first proposition of the insurgents was for 
3,000,000 pesos; Primo de Rivera acceded, under 

^^^The document cited by Foreman (2nd ed., pp. 546-547; 
3rd ed., pp. 397-398), read in the Cortes in 1898, was not the 
final agreement and the terms of payment are incorrect. It is 
either spurious, or was superseded by the document, number 5 
(of the same date) published in the Congressional Record, ut ^u- 
pra. This appears to have been the only document in Aguinaldo's 
possession bearing the signature of Primo de Rivera, and it is 
merely a program prescribing the movements of the rebel chiefs 
from December 14 on, terms of payments, surrender of arms, 
amnesty, etc. 

^^9 Memoria, p. 125, cablegram of October 7, 1896. 


authority from Madrid, to 1,700,000 pesos; and the 
total sum named in the contract signed on December 
14, 1897, is 800,000 pesos. When Aguinaldo and his 
twenty-seven companions reached Hongkong, they 
received 400,000 pesos and never any more. Though 
really looking at it as a bribe, the Spanish govern- 
ment had consented to the money payment ostensibly 
on the ground of indemnity to widows, orphans, and 
those who had suffered property losses by the war, 
and to provide support for the insurgent chiefs 
abroad. That it was the idea of at least some of the 
insurgent leaders that the money was to be divided 
between them is shown by a protest signed by eight 
of those who remained behind to secure the surrender 
of more arms than the paltry number of two hun- 
dred and twenty-five turned over at Biak-na-bato, 
appealing to Primo de Rivera for " their share." ^^^ 
The latter says he turned over to these men and Pa- 
terno the 200,000 pesos of the second payment (the 
actual disposition of which is unknown ^^^); and 
that he turned over the remaining 200,000 pesos to 
Governor-General Augustin in April, 1898, when it 
was evident that peace had not been assured, after 
all. As to the remaining 900,000 pesos which Primo 
de Rivera had authority to pay, but which did not 
appear in the final contract, Primo de Rivera says 
(pp. 133, 134) that Paterno omitted them from the 
document because they were to be used to " indem- 
nify those not in arms," and that he did not " think 

^^^ A slightly modified copy of this appeal is quoted by Primo 
de Rivera {Memoriae pp. 140-141), and in Senate Document no, 
208, pt. 2, pp. 2, 3. The writer has a copy taken from One of 
the originals. 

^^^ Pardo de Tavera remarks (Rept. Phil. Comm., 1900, ii, p. 
396) that someone " forgot he had this sum of money in his 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 199 

it prudent to inquire further about them at the 
time." ''' 

Enough has been developed to show the demoral- 
izing character of the transaction. In justice to Agui- 
naldo and his closest associates, it is to be said that 
they had kept the money practically intact, for use 
in a possible future insurrection, until they spent 
some of it for arms after Commodore Dewey's vic- 
tory in Manila Bay.^^^ Nor are we able to say cate- 
gorically that Aguinaldo and the other leaders in 
Biak-na-bato were not led to believe that specific 
reforms had been promised verbally by Primo de 
Rivera in the name of his government; Aguinaldo 
and Paterno could clear up that matter, but neither 
speaks. Just what informal discussion of this sub- 
ject there was between Paterno and Primo de Rivera, 
we do not know; but the latter's own version will 
warrant the conclusion that he at least permitted 
Paterno to lay before the insurgents the fact that he 
was making recommendations on this line, and to 
hold out the expectation of results, once he was not 
confronted with armed rebellion.^^* He declares that 

^^^ Paterno has apparently given to Foreman a partial version 
of the transaction for the latter's 1906 edition. Therein Fore- 
man comes around to imply that there was, after all, no " treaty " 
about reforms, but he is still very much confused as to the money 
payments, etc., and almost every sentence contains an inaccuracy. 
He appears to have seen the Diario de las Sesiones de Cortes y at 
least for one or two speeches on this subject in 1898, when there 
were heated debates on Philippine matters in the Cortes, but it 
is strange he never consulted Primo de Rivera's detailed account 
of the affair. 

^^^ It was declared, however, in the press of Spain that Agui- 
naldo projected a residence in Europe and had started for Paris 
when Consul-General Pratt found him at Singapore in April, 

^^^The change of Spanish administration in October, 1897, 
bringing the Liberals again into power, with Moret, who had pro- 
posed secularization of education in 1870, as Colonial Minister, 


a scheme of Philippine reform, covering also the friar 
question, had been drawn up and agreed upon, when 
Premier Canovas was assassinated and the Conserv- 
atives soon after fell from power; but he does not 
tell us what were the reforms as to the friars. Primo 
de Rivera continued to give his ideas as to the need 
for reform in provision of parishes, church fees, local 
government, education, civil service, etc., after the 
Liberals came into power. Yet, though stating the 
case against the friars in strong terms, virtually con- 
firming every charge made against them, he appears 
to have advised only a curtailment of their power and 
a more rigid discipline, not their elimination as 
parish-priests, which was the aim of most of the in- 
surgents.^^^ When a Spanish editor in Manila be- 
gan writing in February, 1898, of political reforms 
in the direction of ^^ autonomy," without submitting 
his articles to previous censure, Primo de Rivera 
suspended publication of the periodicaL^^® That 
Spanish circles in Manila as well as the Filipinos 
were in expectation, in late 1897 and early 1898, of 
the announcement of some comprehensive scheme of 

was another reason for expecting liberal measures in the Philip- 
pines as well as in Cuba. It was this new ministry which urged 
Primo de Rivera to conclude the Biak-na-bato negotiation speed- 
ily. One of the indications that the Biak-na-bato documents in 
the War Department, above cited, were " doctored " in some par- 
ticulars is the insertion in Paterno's letter to Aguinaldo of Aug. 
9, 1897, of a reference to Moret being Minister; the change of 
cabinet in Madrid occurred two months later. 

^^^ See the Memoria, pp. 159-176, on Reforms. In a temper- 
ate, judicial way his discussion of the friars, from experience as 
Governor-General from 1881-83 and during the insurrection, is 
perhaps the severest arraignment they could receive, above all since 
it came from a man appointed by a Conservative administration. 

"^^^ See the Memoria, pp. 144-154. The incident is related in 
various tones by other writers. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 201 

Philippine reform, is apparent from the press of the 
time.''"' The Liberal press of Madrid and Barce- 
lona was also actively agitating reform for the Phil- 
ippines, and Spanish Liberals and Filipinos ad- 
dressed petitions on the subject to the government 
at Madrid.^^^ The general belief at Manila was also 
that some sort of promise of reforms had passed at 
Biak-na-bato, even that it included the gradual with- 
drawal of the friars/^^ That the religious orders 
themselves knew that they were the storm-center is 
sufficiently shown by the Memorial of April 21, 
1898, reproduced post^ pp. 227-286.^^^ 

The Question of Independence -V^t have, on one 
hand, the assertions of rabid Spanish writers that 
separation from Spain was throughout the real aim 
of the Filipino leaders, who merely covered it under 

^^■^ See the pamphlets, reprinting articles from two of these 
periodicals: Juan Caro y Mora, La situacion del pais (Manila, 
1897), series in La Oceania Espanola; and El gran problema de 
las reformas en Filipinas planteado por El Espanol, periodico 
diario de Manila (Manila, 1897). These articles appeared while 
the Biak-na-bato negotiation was pending, and with full official 
sanction; but they touched the religious question only very cau- 
tiously, and mostly to defend the friars. The articles of Caro y 
Mora especially merit consideration in connection with the study 
of Spanish administration in its last stage. 

^^® See especially El Liberal, of Madrid. The writer has a 
copy of a broadside dated at Madrid Jan. 26, 1898, Exposicion 
elevada a sa Majestad la Reina Regente sobre la insurreccion en 
Filipinas, by Vital Fite, a Spanish journalist, once provincial gov- 
ernor in the Philippines. It represents friar-rule as the chief 
grievance, but recites also abuses and defects of administration. 

^^^ See J. Pellicena y Lopez, Los frailes y los filipinos (Manila, 

^■^^An earlier indication of the friars' fear of coming reforms 
is the pamphlet, Filipinas, Estudios de algunos asuntos de actuali- 
dad (Madrid, 1897), by Eduardo Navarro, procurator of Augus- 
tinians, who advocates " reform " by means of "a step back- 


a plea for reforms (the friars say, under a false as- 
sertion that the Filipinos were opposed to them). 
We have, in direct opposition, the assertions of Span- 
ish Liberals and of some Filipinos that the movement 
was inspired by genuine loyalty to Spain, and was 
only a protest and appeal for reforms even in its last 
phase as an outbreak in arms, 1896-98. This view 
was accepted by the Schurman Commission in 1899. 
Again, during the years from 1898 to date, when de- 
mands for independence were made upon the United 
States, the more radical Filipino leaders, first in in- 
surrection, now in political agitation, have asserted 
that complete political independence was definitely 
the aim in 1896-97, and was the ideal in mind for 
some years before. Thus they would corroborate 
the assertions of the more rabid Spaniards who 
claimed that Rizal and all his co-workers, both in 
the aristocratic ranks above and in the Katipunan be- 
low, were hypocritical in their protestations of loy- 
alty to Spain. Where does the truth lie? 

The fact is, one can sustain any view he prefers to 
take of this subject, by detached citations from docu- 
ments of one sort or another. The real answer is to 
be found only by a careful survey of all the evidence 
as to Filipino activities and aspirations. We note 
that, when Rizal discusses the possibility of future 
independence for his people, he sets it as a century 
hence. We need not take him literally, nor, on the 
other hand, need we say his title was merely hypo- 
critical, and he was insidiously inciting his people to 
think of immediate independence; we shall be fairer 
to survey his writings as a whole, probably reaching 
the conclusion that the independence of his people 
was constantly in his mind, but sober reason warned 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 203 

him to restrain his and their youthful impatience on 
the subject. In discussing Del Pilar and Rizal, it 
has already been pointed out how the former changed 
places with the younger man and became the more 
impatient of the two; and the connection of this 
growing impatience with the more violent nature of 
the Katipunan has been shown. So it is not enough 
to cite detached passages from Rizal or Del Pilar, 
for example, to prove either that they were just fili- 
busters under cover of protestations or, on the con- 
trary, that they never dreamed of independence."^ 
The propagandists felt differently at different times, 
under the pressure sometimes of self-interest, influ- 
enced sometimes by momentary incidents or passions. 
It is plain that, with some of them at least, a new 
tone had been adopted toward Spain when, at the 
beginning of 1896, the manifesto of the Katipunan 
organ to the Filipinos bitterly exclaimed : 

^^At the end of three hundred years of slavery 

, our people have done nothing but lament and 

ask a little consideration and a little clemency; but 
they have answered our lamentations with exile and 
imprisonment. For seven years in succession La 
Solidaridad voluntarily lent itself and exhausted its 
powers to obtain, not all that they ought to concede, 
but only just what of right is owing to us. And what 
has been the fruit of our effort unto fatigue and of 
our loyal faith? Deception, ridicule, death, and bit- 

^^ Today, tired of lifting our hands in continual 

'^'^^ As, e>g,y does Pelllcena y Lopez, in Los frailes y los filipinos, 
to prove that separation was not the aim of the propagandists. 
The citation from Del Pilaris Soberania monacal (paragraph v), 
is almost identical with the paragraph of the 1888 petition to the 
Queen, quoted already. 


lamentation, we are at last ourselves ; little by little 
our voice has lost its tone of melancholy gained in 
continual complaint; now . . we raise our heads, 
so long accustomed to being bowed, and imbibe 
strength from the firm hope we possess by reason of 
the grandeur of our aim. . . . We can tell them 
bluntly that the phrase * Spain the Mother ' is noth- 
ing but just a bit of adulation, that it is not to be 
compared with the piece of cloth or rag by which it 
is enchained, which trails on the ground; that there 
is no such mother and no such child; that there is 
only a race that robs, a people that fattens on what 
is not its own, and a people that is weary of going, 
not merely ungorged, but unfed; that we have to 
put reliance in nothing but our own powers and in 
our defense of our own selves." 

Rizal put in the mouth of the old Filipino priest 
in El Filibusterismo ( 1891 ) the view of the thought- 
ful Filipino patriot, considering the social defects 
of his people: "We owe the ill that afflicts us to 
ourselves; let us not put the blame on anyone else. 
If Spain saw that we were less complaisant in the face 
of tyranny, and readier to strive and suffer for our 
rights, Spain would be the first to give us liberty. 
. . . But so long as the Filipino people has not 
sufficient vigor to proclaim, with erect front and 
bared breast, its right to the social life and to make 
that right good by sacrifice, with its own blood ; so 
long as we see that our countrymen, though hearing 
in their private life the voice of shame and the 
clamors of conscience, yet in public life hold their 
peace or join the chorus about him who commits 
abuses and ridicules the victim of the abuse ; so long 
as we see them shut themselves up to their own 
egotism and praise with forced smile the most iniqui- 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 205 

tous acts, while their eyes are begging a part of the 
booty of such acts, why should liberty be given to 
them? With Spain or without Spain, they would be 
always the same, and perhaps, perhaps, they would 
be worse. Of what use would be independence if the 
slaves of today would be the tyrants of tomorrow? 
And they would be so without doubt, for he loves 
tyranny who submits to it." 

Doubtless Rizal felt that his people had made 
progress toward social independence in the five years 
that followed, till the Katipunan outbreak came; but 
he condemned that beforehand as a foolish venture, 
and reprobated it as harmful to Filipino interests 
before his death. Though in a sense this was a 
movement for independence, we have seen that only 
vague ideas of a political organization were in the 
minds of the leaders, while the deluded masses who 
followed them with, for the most part, bolos only, 
had virtually no idea of such an organization, except 
that Filipinos should succeed Spaniards."^ The pre- 
maturely commenced revolt, as it gained at the out- 
set, some defensive advantages over the bad military 
organization of Spain, developed ideas and aspira- 
tions quite beyond the early crude dreams of its 
leaders; they were really surprised at their own 
(temporary) success, and emboldened thereby.^^^ 

^^2 The author of the preliminary report of the Schurman 
Commission, Nov. 2, 1899, niust simply have blindly followed 
Foreman and must have somewhat misunderstood his Filipino in- 
formants, in order to make these remarkable statements (Reporty 
1, pp. 169, 172) : " This movement [rebeUion of 1896] was in no 
sense an attempt to win independence, but was merely an at- 
tempt to obtain relief from abuses which were rapidly growing 
intolerable." ** Now [June, 1898] for the first time arose the idea 
of independence [in Aguinaldo's camp]." 

^^^ A quite sufficient answer, if there were not plenty of others, 
to Dr. Schurman's statements quoted above is afforded by this pas- 
sage in a proclamation of Aguinaldo as Magdalo at Old Cavite 


Even after the loss of Cavite, when the revolutionists 
were hemmed in and hiding in the Bulakan Moun- 
tains, they put forward, in an ^^ Assembly" at Biak- 
na-bato, a more comprehensive and ambitious politi- 
cal program (a Filipino Republic, in short) than 
had ever before been drawn up by Filipinos/^* We 
know also that no small part was played by the ^^ reign 
of terror" in turning even the moderate Filipinos 
against Spanish rule as an entirety. We should be 
far from the truth if we should say that this Tagalog 
rebellion, and the demonstrations of sympathy with 

(Kawit), Oct. 31, 1896 (Castillo y Jimenez, El Katipunan, pp. 
298-302): "The revolutionary committee addresses to all Fili- 
pino citizens who love their country a general call to arms for 
the proclamation of Filipino liberty and independence as [a mat- 
ter of] right and justice, and the recognition of the new revolution- 
ary government established by the blood of its sons." And, on 
the same date, in a proclamation outlining a rough revolutionary 
organization of Cavite province and each of its towns, he says: 
" Filipinas witnesses today a fact unprecedented in its history: 
the conquest of its liberty and of its independence, the most noble 
and lofty of its rights." Yet, in March, 1897, Aguinaldo dis- 
cussed in the correspondence with the Jesuit superior, as already 
mentioned, the reforms he thought the country asked, and ex- 
pressly disclaimed for the revolutionists the aim for independence. 
So also his proclamations and interviews on leaving for Hong- 
kong after the pact of Biak-na-bato (see La Politica de Espaha 
en Filipinas^ viii, pp. 46, 47). 

However, in a letter to Fray Tomas Espejo (undated, but 
written probably in January, 1898), Aguinaldo says: "A great 
work is this, which demands great sacrifices, followed by the shed- 
ding of quantities of blood. But what matters that, for it is very 
little compared to the sublime and holy end which we hold before 
ourselves in attempting to take arms against Espana. For this we 
have resolved to sacrifice our lives until we shall hear issue from 
the mouths of our compatriots, the blessed phrase *A11 hail, Fili- 
pinas! forever separated from Espana, and conquered through the 
heroism of their inhabitants.' " {La Politica de Espana, viii, p. 
44).- Eds. 

^^* See Sastron's account of Biak-na-bato in chapters v and vi 
of his Insurreccion en Filipinas for some fragments of documents 
on this subject. 

1841-1898] leroy's bibliographical notes 207 

it in other provinces, brought the Filipino people to- 
gether in a unanimous sentiment for independence. 
That it did greatly stimulate this feeling is certain. 
He would be a bold man who would now assert that 
independence was not the common aspiration, when 
outside pressure suddenly pricked the bubble of 
Spanish authority in 1898 and released the people 
for the free expression of their sentiments. But he 
is equally bold who asserts that the Filipino people 
had been suddenly and miraculously transformed 
into a real nation by these events, or that the Agui- 
naldo government had the support of or really repre- 
sented the whole country, above all of the most sober- 
thinking Filipinos. 


This period, opening with the coming of Governor 
Marcelino de Oraa Lecumberri, and closing during 
the governorship of Rafael de Izquierdo y Gutierrez, 
is one of the most important and critical in the his- 
tory of the Philippines. It witnessed the insurrec- 
tion of Tayabas (1841) under the leadership of Apo- 
linario de la Cruz {q.v,, ante, pp. 92, 93) ; the use 
of steamships against the Moros (1848), whereby 
the Spaniards gained great advantage; approval for 
the Spanish-Filipino bank, August i, 1851, with a 
capital stock of 400,000 pesos, and 2,000 shares of 
200 pesos each, of which 1,000 shares were to be ac- 
quired by the obras pias and 1,000 were open to the 
public (the bank beginning operation in 1852) ; the 
reinstatement of the Jesuits (October 19, 1852; al- 
though the first band did not arrive until the middle 
of 1859), whereby education was given a slightly 
freer movement ;^^^ the famous educational laws of 

^^^ A royal decree of Jan 22, 1784, by Carlos III, declared the 
ex- Jesuits competent to acquire and hold property; and, in the 
case of those secular coadjutors who had married, to bequeath 
their property to their heirs. That monarch died in 1788; and 
was succeeded by his eldest son, as Carlos IV. In Oct. 1797, the 
government learned that the Spanish ex- Jesuits were determined 
to return to Spain, on account of the persecutions and even death 
which menaced them in the Genoese territories, owing to a change 
in the government there, and that some of them had already 


1 — 1 












^ ^ 























' — ^ 







•— K 

i 3 

1841-1898] EVENTS OF 184I-1872 211 

December 20, 1863, ^^d other educational orders, 
decrees, and regulations {q.v., VOL. XLVl) ; the Span- 
ish revolution of 1867-68, and the new constitution; 
the opening of the Suez Canal (November 17, 1869) , 

reached the Spanish ports; it therefore decided that they should 
be allowed to remain in the country, but must live in certain 
abandoned convents. The Jesuits objected to this, and finally 
the government permitted them (1798) to retire freely to the 
homes of their families or into any convents they might choose, 
save that they were not allowed to reside in Madrid or other royal 
seats. " Many ex- Jesuits returned to their fatherland, and others 
decided to remain in Italia; but this situation did not last long, 
for in the year 1801 another decree was issued condemning them 
anew to proscription." Orders were given that within one week 
all Jesuits should leave their homes and present themselves at 
Alicante or Barcelona, where new orders would be given them. 
Some fathers advanced in years were allowed to remain in Spain; 
but all the rest were for the second time shipped to Italy, where 
they suffered great hardship. In 1808 the Spanish government 
felt more leniently toward these unfortunate exiles, considering, 
moreover, the difficulty of furnishing their pensions, and the fact 
that all those moneys were thus taken out of Spain to foreign 
countries, to find their way ultimately into the hands of her 
enemies; and a royal decree by Fernando VII, dated Nov. 15, 
1808, granted permission to those Jesuits who desired to return 
to Spain, with the same pension which they had been receiving. 
After the war between Spain and France was ended, urgent re- 
quests were made to Fernando VII by various personages promi- 
nent in ecclesiastical, educational, and municipal affairs that he 
would reestablish in his dominions the Society of Jesus; and per- 
mission was given by a royal decree dated May 9, 18 15, for the 
Jesuits to have houses in the towns and cities which had asked for 
them. A year later, after various preparations for this change 
had been made by the government, another decree extended the 
reestablishment to all the towns where the Jesuits had formerly 
had their institutions. " In virtue of this, all the Spanish Jesuits 
who were residing in Italy returned to Espana, at the expense of 
the court. All these decisions were adopted in Espana in fulfil- 
ment of the bull of Pius VII dated Aug. 7, 1814, SoUcitudo om- 
nium eccle^iarum, by which the Jesuits were reestablished in all 
the Catholic countries - that of Clement XIV, which decreed the 
extinction of the order, being thereby annulled.* Not five years 
* A letter from Mariano Fernandez Folgueras, dated Manila, Aug. 
18, 1819, mentions the decrees of Fernando VII by which the Society 
of Jesus is to be established throughout Spanish dominions, and 
promises obedience to the royal orders. 


by which communication with the mother-country 
was rendered quicker and easier, and liberalism given 
more decided tendencies; and lastly, the Cavite in- 
surrection of 1872, which ended with the execution 
of three native secular priests. During this period 

had passed after the reestablishment of the Society of Jesus in 
Espana when, the revolution of 1820 having been successful, the 
Cortes assembled; and the Spanish monarch, by decree of Sep- 
tember 6 in that same year, again suppressed the [Jesuit] insti- 
tute, together with the other monastic orders, allowing the Jesuits, 
however, liberty to reside in Espana. Fernando communicated to 
his Holiness the above decision, and Pius VII replied in a letter 
of September 15, expressing the displeasure with which he had 
received the tidings; but in 1823, the constitutional government 
having been destroyed, the regency issued a decree on June 11, 
reestablishing the Society and the rest of the regular orders in the 
same condition in which they were before March 7, 1820. Fer- 
nando VII died on Sept. 29, 1833, and the civil war began; and 
on July 17, 1834, occurred the lamentable massacref of the 
Jesuits and other religious. By royal decree of July 4, 1835, the 
Society of Jesus was anew declared extinguished; and its prop- 
erty was ordered to be sold, in order to apply the product thereof 
to the extinction of the public debt. In spite of this decision, the 
Jesuits remained established in Espana; and it was necessary, in 
the last revolutionary period, to issue the decree of Oct. 12, 1868, 
suppressing the Society of Jesus in the Peninsula and the adjacent 
islands; and commanding that within the space of three days all 
their colleges and institutions should be closed, and possession be 
taken of their temporalities in the form provided on this point by 
the royal decree of July 4, 1835. To these provisions were added 
this, that the individuals of the suppressed Society might not again 
reunite in a body or a community, nor wear the garb of the order, 
nor be in any way subordinate to the superiors of the order who 
existed either within or without Espana, those who were not or- 
dained in sacris remaining subject in all matters to the ordinary 
civil jurisdiction. But the realization of this measure was ephem- 
eral; for when the constitution of June 5, 1869, was published, the 
right of every person was declared - and repeated in the constitu- 
tion of June 30, 1876 -to associate with others for all the pur- 
poses in human life which are not opposed to public morals; and, 
by favor of this liberty, the individuals of the Society of Jesus 

t An epidemic of cholera was raging in Madrid, and some ma- 
licious persons persuaded the common people that it was caused by 
the friars having poisoned the water. A mob broke into the Jesuit 
convents and murdered many of the inmates ; and over a hundred 
friars were killed for the same reason. 

1841-1898] EVENTS OF 1 841 -1 872 213 

there were in all fourteen regularly-appointed gov- 
ernors, and eleven provisional terms, in the latter, Ra- 
mon Montero y Blandino serving three times, and 
Joaquin del Solar twice -the average of each term 
(regular and provisional) being slightly over one 
year. This was comparatively a period of newspaper 
activity, about thirty newspapers being founded dur- 
ing these years. The entire period may be called 
the period of adolescence. 

Conditions in Spain were to a certain extent re- 
flected in the islands. Confusion and uncertainty in 
the Peninsula had their counterpart in the colony. 
The administrational experiments of the Madrid offi- 
cials extended to the government of the colonies, and 
there were many changes which vitally affected the 
Philippines. Some of the new laws were good; 
others show a greater or less ignorance regarding the 
islands. Throughout, however, the prevailing tone 
is one of greater liberalism. 

To be classed under foreign politics of the period 
were the laws regulating foreign commerce; the 
slight contact with the Dutch who appeared to be 
making overtures for a settlement in the Southern 
Islands; some negotiations with the celebrated Ra- 
jah Brooke; and the campaign of Cochinchina, in 
which the Spaniards aided the French. 

considered themselves authorized to form an association and found 
anew colleges and houses in the Spanish dominions." 

A brief of Pope Leo XIII, dated July 13, 1886, finally re- 
established the Society of Jesus throughout the world, and abro- 
gated that of Clement XIV which in 1773 suppressed the order. 
The pope took occasion to express this permission in the warmest 
and most forcible terms ; and " the rehabilitation of the Society of 
Jesus could not have been more complete or more satisfactory." 
" It is pleasant to observe that, after three centuries of strife, the 
principle of authority has triumphed." (Danvila, Reinado de 
Carlos Illy iii, pp. 613-625.) 


Local politics show great activity. Provincial 
limits were changed and fixed, and new provinces 
were created. Special subordinate governments were 
created for the Visayan Islands and for the Mari- 
anas. Police regulations were made, and bodies of 
police created. There were city improvements in 
Manila. Reforms were instituted in the various 
provinces in regard to the alcaldes-mayor. Various 
departments of the government were also reorgan- 
ized. In 1867-68 new regulations were adopted for 
the management of the Audiencia of Manila. 

In nothing is the upward trend more strongly 
marked than in economic lines. The measures passed 
were often groping, it is true, but yet on the whole 
looked toward the greater light. There was an at- 
tempt to exploit the coal mines of the islands, and 
mining regulations were made. Agriculture received 
attention (see post^ appendix on agriculture). Com- 
merce was given greater concessions, and the customs 
duties were revised. Provincial chiefs were forbid- 
den to engage in trade. Various acts of legislation 
regarding monetary conditions, the establishment of 
a mint, and the coinage of special money for the 
Philippines attest the greater commercial activity. 
There was considerable legislation in regard to to- 
bacco. The many laws regarding the Chinese have 
a purely economic basis. Topographical maps which 
were ordered made and the new roads ordered con- 
structed indicate a desire to know the country and 
its conditions better. Exhibits of Philippine prod- 
ucts were made at the world's fair in London in 
1 85 1 and 1862. Telegraphic regulations were made 
in 1869. 

For religious and educational influences of this 

1841-1898] EVENTS OF 1841-1872 215 

period see the religious appendix in our VOL. XXVIII, 
and the educational appendices in VOLS. XLV and XLVI. 
An important order of January 15, 1849, forbade the 
religious orders to alienate their property. A decree 
of June 20, 1849 gave the Recollects charge of the 
island of Negros, and they did considerable work 
there and developed the island somewhat, although 
they but built on previous efforts, and did not ac- 
complish as much as has been claimed. The reestab- 
lished Society of Jesus was given control of the mis- 
sion work of Mindanao in 1861. The suppression 
of the house of St. John of God in Manila and the 
establishment of the Sisters of Charity were asked 
from the pope in 1852, at the time of the reestablish- 
ment of the Jesuits. The conciliar seminaries were 
given into charge of the Fathers of St. Vincent de 
Paul on their establishment in the islands. The Fran- 
ciscans were allowed to maintain a college in Spain 
for the training of missionaries for the Philippines. 
The history of the development of the people dur- 
ing this period has been greatly neglected. There 
was a decided advance educationally and politically, 
as well as a growing discontent, that were due to 
a complexity of factors, among which were the easier 
communication with Spain, the greater number of 
Spaniards in the islands, and the spread of books and 
papers through the capital and provinces. On the 
side of the government there were expeditions into 
the north country against the Igorots and other 
tribes. In the south there were almost continual cam- 
paigns against the Moros, over whom some important 
victories were obtained. The usual decrees ordering 
good treatment of the natives were issued, with as 
little effect as of old. The liberal policy that the gov- 


ernment was inclined to adopt toward the natives 
is evidenced by the efforts made to secure educational 
laws, and by the regulations of 1863. By an order 
of October 31, 1844, ^ casino was opened for the 
natives in Manila. Another order prohibited the 
smoking of opium by Chinese and natives. Discon- 
tent in the native body is seen in the revolts of na- 
tive soldiers and police. It was forbidden to carry 
arms without a license. The lottery established in 
1850 had a bad influence. The vaccination board 
established at Manila and the leper hospital estab- 
lished in 1850 at Cebu, were on the other hand good 
measures, but were not welcomed so heartily as the 
lottery. The surreptitious introduction and circula- 
tion of books and plays caused the government in 
1854 to attempt to regulate the book trade. Govern- 
ment pawnshops were opened in i860 in Manila. 
Pensions were granted to the parents of those natives 
who were killed in the service of the country. The 
earthquake of 1863 proved especially disastrous, and 
the cholera epidemic of the same year, while not so 
severe as that of 1820, decimated the people con- 
siderably. The Moret decrees (see VOL. XLV, pp. 163- 
165) were distinctly in favor of the natives, but were 
never carried out. The discontent ever grew more 
pronounced, and at last broke out actively in the 
Cavite rebellion, which was instigated and promoted 
by the secular clergy and others. There has been no 
attempt to do more than point out general tendencies 
during this period, and to note some of the most 
important matters. For a good working bibliogra- 
phy, which will be found to cover this period see Mr. 
LeRoy's article The Philippines, l860'l8g8 -Some 
comment and bibliographical noteSy which imme- 
diately precedes the present document. 


Ends : 

1. To unite the whole archipelago into one com- 
pact, vigorous, and homogeneous body. 

2. Mutual protection in every want and necessity. 

3. Defense against all violence and injustice. 

4. Encouragement of instruction, agriculture, 
and commerce. 

5. Study and application of reforms. 
Motto: Unus instar omnium [i.e.j one like all.] 
Countersign: . . . 


1. To set these ends in operation, a Popular 
Council, a Provincial Council, and a Supreme Coun- 
cil shall be created. 

2. Each Council shall consist of a Chief, a Fiscal, 
a Treasurer, a Secretary, and members. 

3. The Supreme Council shall consist of the Pro- 
vincial Chiefs, just as the Provincial Council shall 
be composed of the Popular Chiefs. 

4. The Supreme Council shall have command of 
the Liga Filipina, and shall deal directly with the 
Provincial Chiefs and Popular Chiefs. 

5. The Provincial Council shall have command 
of the Popular Chiefs. 


6. The Popular Council only shall have com- 
mand of the members. 

7. Each Provincial Council and Popular Coun- 
cil shall adopt a name different from that of their 
locality or region. 

Duties of the Members : 

1. They shall pay monthly dues of ten centimos. 

2. They shall obey blindly and promptly every 
order emanating from a Council or a Chief. 

3. They shall inform the Fiscal of their Council 
of whatever they note or hear that has reference to 
the Liga Filipina. 

4. They shall preserve the most absolute secrecy 
in regard to the decisions of the Council. 

5. In all walks of life, preference shall be given 
to the members. Nothing shall be bought except in 
the shop of a member, or whenever anything is sold 
to a member, he shall have a rebate. Circumstances 
being equal, the member shall always be favored. 
Every infraction of this article shall be severely pun- 

6. The member who does not help another mem- 
ber in the case of need or danger, although able to 
do so, shall be punished, and at least the same pen- 
alty suffered by the other shall be imposed on him. 

7. Each member, on affiliation, shall adopt a new 
name of his own choice, and shall not be able to 
change the same unless he become a Provincial 

8. He shall bring to each Council a service [tra- 
bajo; evidently a service done for the organization], 
an observation, a study, or a new candidate. 

9. He shall not submit to any humiliation or treat 
anyone with contempt. 


Duties of the Chief: 

1. He shall continually watch over the life of his 
Council. He shall memorize the new and real names 
of all the Councils if he is the Supreme Chief, and 
if only a Popular Chief those of all his affiliated 

2. He shall constantly study means to unite his 
subordinates and place them in quick communica- 

3. He shall study and remedy the necessities of 
the Liga Filipina, of the Provincial Council, or of 
the Popular Council, according as he is Supreme 
Chief, Provincial Chief, or Popular Chief. 

4. He shall heed all the observations, communi- 
cations, and petitions which are made to him, and 
shall immediately communicate them to the proper 

5. In danger, he shall be the first, and he shall 
be the first to be held responsible for whatever oc- 
curs within a Council. 

6. He shall furnish an example by his subordina- 
tion to his superior chiefs, so that he may be obeyed 
in his turn. 

7. He shall see to the very last member, the per- 
sonification of the entire Liga Filipina. 

8. The omissions of the authorities shall be pun- 
ished with greater severity than those of the simple 

Duties of the Fiscal : 

1. The Fiscal shall see to it that all comply with 
their duty. 

2. He shall accuse in the presence of the Council 
every infraction or failure to perform his duty in any 
member of the Council. 


3. He shall inform the Council of every danger 
or persecution. 

4. He shall investigate the condition of the funds 
of the Council. 

Duties of the Treasurer: 

1. He shall enter in a ledger the new names of 
the members forming the Council. 

2. He shall render strict monthly account of the 
dues received, noted by the members themselves, with 
their special countermarks. 

3. He shall give a receipt and shall have a note 
of it made in the ledger in the hand of the donor, for 
every gift in excess of one peso and not over fifty. 

4. The Popular Treasurer shall keep in the treas- 
ury of the Popular Council, the third part of the dues 
collected, for the necessities of the same. The re- 
mainder, whenever it exceeds the sum of ten pesos, 
shall be delivered to the Provincial Treasurer, to 
whom he shall show his ledger, and himself writing 
in the ledger of the Provincial Treasurer the amount 
delivered. The Provincial Treasurer shall then give 
a receipt, and if it is in accordance with the accounts, 
shall place his O. K. in the ledger of the other. Like 
proceedings shall follow when the Provincial Treas- 
urer delivers funds in excess of ten pesos to the Su- 
preme Treasurer. 

5. The Provincial Treasurer shall retain from 
the sums handed to him by the Popular Treasurer 
one-tenth part for the expenses of the Provincial 

6. Whenever any member desires to give the Liga 
Filipina a sum in excess of fifty pesos, he shall de- 
posit the sum in a safe bank, under his vulgar name 
and then shall deliver the receipt to the Treasurer 
of his choice. 


Duties of the Secretary: 

1. At each meeting he shall keep a record of pro- 
ceedings, and shall announce what is to be done. 

2. He shall have charge of the correspondence of 
the Council. In case of absence or incapacity, every 
authority shall name a substitute, until the Council 
name one to J&ll his place. 

Rights of the members: 

1. Every member has a right to the moral, ma- 
terial, and pecuniary aid of his Council and of the 
Liga Filipina. 

2. He may demand that all the members favor 
him in his trade or profession whenever he oflfers 
as many guaranties as others. For this protection, 
he shall transmit to his Popular Chief his real name 
and his footing, so that the latter may hand it to the 
Supreme Chief who shall inform all the members of 
the Liga Filipina of it by the proper means. 

3. In any want, injury, or injustice, the member 
may invoke the whole aid of the Liga Filipina. 

4. He may request capital for an enterprise when- 
ever there are funds in the treasury. 

5. He may demand a rebate of all the institutions 
or members sustained directly by the Liga Filipina, 
for all articles [sold him] or services rendered him. 

6. No member shall be judged without first being 
allowed his defense. 

Rights of the Secretary [sic; Chief?] 

1. He shall not be discussed unless an accusation 
of the Fiscal precede. 

2. For want of time and opportunity, he may act 
by and with himself, as he has the obligation to per- 
form the charges which may be laid on him. 

3. Within the Council he shall be the judge of 
every question or dispute. 


4. He shall be the only one who shall be empow- 
ered to know the real names of his members or sub- 

5. He shall have ample power to organize the 
details of the meetings, communications, and under- 
takings, for their efficacity, security, and rapid de- 

6. Whenever a Popular Council is sufficiently 
numerous, the Provincial Chief may create other sub- 
ordinate Councils after first appointing the author- 
ities. Once constituted, he shall allow them to elect 
their authorities according to the regulations. 

7. Every Chief shall be empowered to establish 
a Council in a village where none exists, after which 
he shall inform the Supreme Council or Provincial 

8. The Chief shall appoint the Secretary. 
Rights of the Fiscal : 

1. He shall cause every accused person to go out 
or appear while his case is being discussed in the 

2. He shall be able to examine the ledgers at any 

Rights of the Treasurer: 

He shall dispose of the funds in an urgent and 
imperious necessity of any member or of the Council, 
with the obligation of giving account and answering 
before the tribunal of the Liga Filipina. 
Rights of the Secretary: 

He may convoke extra meetings or assemblies in 
addition to the monthly meetings. 
Investment of the funds : 

I. The member or his son, who while not having 


means, shall show application and great capacities 
shall be sustained. 

2. The poor shall be supported in his right 
against any powerful person. 

3. The member who shall have suffered loss shall 
be aided. 

4. Capital shall be loaned to the member who 
shall need it for an industry or for agriculture. 

5. The introduction of machines and industries, 
new or necessary in the country, shall be favored. 

6. Shops, stores, and establishments shall be 
opened, where the members may be accommodated 
more economically than elsewhere. 

The Supreme Chief shall have power to dispose 
of the funds in needy cases, whenever he later renders 
an account to the Supreme Council. 
General Rules : 

1. No one shall be admitted without a previous 
and unanimous vote of the Council of his village, 
and without satisfying the tests to which he must 

2. Offices shall end every two years, except when 
there is an accusation by the Fiscal. 

3. In order to obtain the posts, three-fourths of 
all the votes present shall be required. 

4. The members shall elect the Popular Chief, 
the Popular Fiscal, and the Popular Treasurer. The 
Popular authorities shall elect the Provincial author- 
ities; and the Provincial authorities shall elect the 
Supreme authorities. 

5. Every time that a member becomes the Pop- 
ular Chief, that fact shall be communicated to the 
Supreme Chief, together with his new and old names ; 


and the same shall be done whenever a new Council 
shall be founded. 

6. Communications in ordinary times, shall bear 
only the symbolical names both of the writer and of 
the persons for whom they are intended, and the 
course to be pursued shall be from the member to 
the Popular Chief, from the latter to the Provincial 
Chief or the Supreme Chief, and vice versa. In 
extraordinary cases alone shall these formalities be 
omitted. However, in any time or place, the Su- 
preme Chief may address anyone directly. 

7. It is not necessary for all the members of a 
Council to be present to render decisions valid. It 
shall be sufficient if one-half the members are present 
and one of the authorities. 

8. In critical moments, each Council shall be con- 
sidered as the safeguard of the Liga Filipina, and 
if for any cause or other the other Councils are dis- 
solved or disappear, each Council, each Chief, each 
member, shall take upon himself the mission of re- 
organizing and reestablishing them.^^^ 

176 nfhjs constitution was partly printed at London, at the Lon- 
don Printing Press, No. 25 Khulug St., in both Spanish and 
Tagalog. Those parts printed (the ends, duties of the members, 
and the general rules) contain some changes from RizaFs MS. 
Preceding the constitution proper is the membership pledge to 
the Liga. It is as follows : " Number. ^ . . To . • 
of . . I . . of . . years of age, of . . state, pro- 
fession . . , as a chosen son of Filipinas, declare under 
formal oath that I know and entirely understand the ends aimed 
at by the Liga Filipina, whose text appears on the back of the 
present. Therefore, I submit myself, and of my own accord 
petition the chief . . of this province, to admit me as a mem- 
ber and coworker in the same, and for that purpose I am ready 
to unconditionally lend the necessary proofs that may be demanded 
of me, in testimony of my sincere adhesion ! " The ends of this 
printed text are the same as those of the MS. The motto is the 
same, and there is also a place for a countersign. The duties of 
the members are somewhat changed, the changes being as follows: 


" I. He shall pay two pesos for one single time, as an entrance 
fee, and fifty centimos as monthly fee, from the month of his en- 
trance. 2. With the consciousness of what he owes to his father- 
land, for whose prosperity and through the welfare that he ought 
to covet for his parents, children, brothers and sisters, and the be- 
loved beings who surround him, he must sacrifice every personal 
interest, and blindly and promptly obey every command, every or- 
der, verbal or written, which emanates from his Council or from 
the Provincial Chief. 3. He shall immediately inform, and 
without the loss of a moment, the authorities of his Council of 
whatever he sees, notes, or hears that constitutes danger for the 
tranquillity of the Liga Filipina or anything touching it. He 
shall earnestly endeavor to be sincere, truthful, and minute in all 
that he shall have to communicate. 4. He shall observe the ut- 
most secrecy in regard to the deeds, acts, and decisions of his Coun- 
cil and of the Liga Filipina in general from the profane, even 
though they be his parents, brothers and sisters, children, etc., at 
the cost of his own life, for this is the means by which the mem- 
ber will obtain what he most desires in life." Articles 5, 6, 7, 8, 
and 9 are the same. The general rules of the printed version are 
as follows : " In order that the candidate may be admitted as a 
member to the Liga Filipina, he must possess morality, good hab- 
its, not have been proceeded against justifiably as a robber, shall 
not be a gambler, drunkard, or libertine. The candidate must 
solicit and petition his entrance from a member; and the latter 
shall communicate it to his Fiscal, for the investigations that must 
be made in regard to his conduct." On Dec. 30, 1903, a monu- 
ment was erected to Rizal, to his companions, and to other foun- 
ders of the Liga Filipina by the village of Tondo, on a site given 
by Timoteo Paez, one of the members of the Liga. On the mon- 
ument is the following inscription : " Remember [this word in 
English, the rest in Spanish], Facing this site and at house No. 
176 Ilaya St., Dr. Rizal founded and inaugurated on the night of 
July 3, 1892, the Liga Filipina, a national secret society, with the 
assistance and approval of the following gentlemen : Founder, Dr. 
Rizal; shot. Board of directors - president, Ambrosio Salvador; 
arrested. Fiscal, Agustin de la Rosa; arrested. Treasurer, Bon- 
ifacio Arevalo; arrested. Secretary, Deodato Arellano; first pres- 
ident of the national war Katipunan society; arrested. Members 
-Andres Bonifacio; supreme head of the Katipunan, who uttered 
the first warcry against tyranny, August 24, 1896. Mamerto Na- 
tividad ; seconded, in Nueva Ecija, the movement of Andres Boni- 
facio, August 28, 1896; shot. Domingo Franco; supreme head of 
the Liga Filipina ; shot. Moises Salvador ; venerable master of the 
respected lodge, Balagtas ; shot. Numeriano Adriano ; first guard 
of the respected lodge, Balagtas; shot. Jose A. Dizon; venerable 
master of the respected lodge, Taliba; shot. Apolinario Mabini; 


legislator; arrested. Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista; first patriot 
of '68 ; arrested. Timoteo Lanuza ; initiator of the manifestation 
for the expulsion of the friars in 1888; arrested. Marcelino de 
Santos; arbitrator and protector of La Solidaridad, the Filipino 
organ in Madrid; arrested. Paulino Zamora; venerable master 
of the respected lodge, Lusong ; deported. Juan Zulueta ; member 
of the respected lodge, Lusong; died. Doroteo Ongjunco; mem- 
ber of the respected lodge, Lusong; owner of the house. Arcadio 
del Rosario; orator of the respected lodge, Balagtas; arrested. 
Timoteo Paez ; arrested."- Epifanio de los Santos. 

See Retana's account of the Liga in Nuestro T tempo for Aug. 
10, 1905, pp. 202-211. He says mistakenly that the constitution 
was printed in Hong-Kong. 


His Excellency, the Minister of the colonies : 

We, the superiors of the corporations of the Au- 
gustinians, Franciscans, Recollects, Dominicans, and 
Jesuits, established in Filipinas, in fulfilment of the 
statement of the telegram presented to his Excel- 
lency, the governor-general and viceroyal patron,^*^ 
on the first instant, to be transmitted officially to your 
Excellency, and which has been done by the said su- 
perior authority, as he has condescended to inform 
us, have the honor of presenting this exposition to his 
Majesty, King Don Alfonso XIII (whom may God 
preserve) , and in his royal name, to her Majesty, the 
queen regent, Doiia Maria Cristina, to the presi- 
dent and members [vocales'] of the Council of Min- 
isters of the Crown [Ministros de la Corond]^^"^^ and 
most especially to your Excellency, as minister of 

^•^This was Fernando Primo de Rivera, whose term ended 
April II, 1898. 

^^^ The Consejo de Ministros is the council formed by the min- 
isters of the various departments, in order to discuss the most hn- 
portant and arduous matters, or for the purpose of working har- 
moniously in the discharge of their respective duties. The sover- 
eign presides, or the minister chosen as chief of the cabinet, who is 
called president of the Council of Ministers. These councils are 
ordinary and extraordinary, according as they are held periodically 
or when demanded by circumstances. Thus the meetings of the 
council are analogous to those of the cabinet of the United States. 
See Die. encic, Hisp.-Amer,, v, p. 823. 


the colonies. We send it directly to your Excellency, 
in accordance with law and custom, so that, in due 
time, you may condescend to lay it before the lofty 
personages above mentioned, and even, if you deem 
it advisable, before the entire nation, duly assembled 
in the Cortes of the kingdom. 

In writing this exposition, to us, the religious of 
the corporations existing in the country from ancient 
times, united in one soul and one heart, as faithful 
brethren, is reserved the honor in the very beginning 
of fulfilling respectfully the most acceptable duty of 
reiterating our traditional adhesion to the king, to his 
government, and to all the authorities of the father- 
land, to whom we have always considered it an honor 
to keep ourselves subject and obedient, by the law 
of conscience, which is the strongest human bond, 
endeavoring continually and in all earthly things, 
from our respective sphere of action, to cooperate 
with every class of endeavor for the maintenance of 
public order in Filipinas, for its legitimate and holy 
progress, for the development of its intellectual and 
even material interests; and, in a very special man- 
ner, for the propagation and conservation of the 
divine teachings of Catholicism, for the encourage- 
ment of good morals, and for the security of the 
moral prestige, the only force which has been until 
now the great bond of union between these beautiful 
lands and their dear mother the mother-country 

Motive for this exposition. Truly, your Excel- 
lency, if extremely troublesome circumstances, by 
which Spanish authority in the archipelago is threat- 
ened, and the bitter campaign (or better, conspiracy) 
of defamation and anti-monastic schemes, incited 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 229 

against us, especially since the outbreak of the insur- 
rection, did not compel us to talk, very willingly 
would we leave it to politicians to occupy themselves 
with the problems that concern this country, and we 
would maintain the silence that has fittingly been our 
norm of procedure for many years, not speaking ex- 
cept when questioned officially, being jealous, by that 
manner of retirement, of avoiding the criticism 
which has so often been heaped upon us with auda- 
cious flippancy or malice, that we meddle with the 
temporal government of these islands. 

But now the hour is come, when, as loyal patriots 
and constant supporters of Spanish authority in Fili- 
pinas, we must break that silence, in order that one 
may never with reason repeat of us, either as reli- 
gious or as subjects of Espana, that terrible accusa- 
tion of the prophet, canes mutt non valentes latrare}^^ 
The hour is come, also, when we must emerge in de- 
fense of our honor, atrociously blemished in many 
ways, of our prestige that has been trampled upon, 
of our holy and patriotic ministry, which has, finally, 
been subjected to the most terrible calumnies and the 
most unqualified accusations. Though private per- 
sons may at any time make a noble renunciation of 
their good name that has been defamed, offering to 
God the sacrifice of what civilized man esteems high- 
est, never is that allowed in any form, according to 
the teachings of the holy doctors of the Church, to 
public persons, to prelates, to superiors, to corpora- 
tions, who must defend and preserve their prestige, 
their credit, and their reputation, in order to worthily 
fulfil their respective functions. A religious cor- 

^^^ i.e., " Dumb dogs not able to bark," a portion of Isaias 
Ivi, 10. 


poration discredited and publicly reviled, is in its 
class like a nation whose flag is insulted or whose 
laws are disavowed. It should die struggling for its 
honor, rather than allow its good name to be trodden 
under foot, and its rights to become unrecognized 
and unrevered. 

Abandonment of the religious corporations and 
their patience and prudence under these circum- 
stances. Truly, one cannot qualify us as hasty and 
imprudent, in that we now address ourselves to the 
exalted authorities of the fatherland. We have borne 
patiently the continual insults and vilifications for 
more than eighteen months of masons and filibusters, 
open or hidden, in newspapers, clubs, and public as- 
semblies, who have attributed to us the blame for the 
insurrection, and heaped dishonor on our persons and 
ministries by the most unjustifiable attacks, cast in 
their majority in the mold of demagogism and free 
thought. With Christian meekness have we endured 
the return to the Peninsula of a multitude of persons 
who have resided a greater or less period in the 
islands, who have shown so little honor to our habit 
and profession; but if, instead of being religious, we 
had been seculars, and if, instead of being a question 
of ecclesiastical corporations, it had been one of civil 
or military corporations, they would have refrained 
from speaking ill of us -and we can be quite sure of 
that, and there are eloquent daily proofs of this as- 
sertion -for the effective means that such corpora- 
tions generally practice would have tied their 
tongues, and would have made them recognize their 
flippancy and their injustice by imposing a vigorous 
corrective to their extensions. We religious have no 
sword; we cannot pronounce judgment; we do not 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 23 ^ 

glitter with gilt braid ; we do not belong to a corpora- 
tion, whose individual members take part in the gov- 
ernment of the fatherland, or in exalted considera- 
tions of the same; we are neither military men nor 
functionaries of the judicial or administrative pro- 
fession ; we do not have weight in any political party; 
we do not intervene in elections ; we do not form (for 
conscience forbids us) great federations that become 
feared ; we do not incite the public, except to obedi- 
ence and submission to all constituted authority; we 
are unable in determined cases to distribute appoint- 
ments, or offer promotions or remunerations ; we are 
not accompanied by a fattened retinue of friends or 
flatterers, who defend us for their own personal ad- 
vantage, and who are the blind paladins of the gen- 
eral, of the politician, of the exalted dignitary, of the 
opulent banker; neither have we any influence over 
the press; we do not possess a nucleus of attached 
partisans to shout for us and overexcite so-called pub- 
lic opinion: in one word, we are without all the 
methods that are used in modern public life to gain 
respect and fear, to influence the nation, and cause 
all the shots of slander or ignorance to strike inef- 
fectually against us. 

The religious of Filipinas, far remote from Eu- 
ropa, alone in their ministries, scattered even 
throughout the farthest recesses of the archipelago, 
without other associates and other witnesses of their 
labors than their dear and simple parishioners, have 
no defense other than their reason and right, which, 
although established on justice and law, and secured 
by the protection of the divine Providence -which 
mercifully has not failed us hitherto and which we 
hope will not fail us in the future -do not have, nev- 


ertheless, in their favor (nor ever, although wt might 
have done so, v^ould wc avail ourselves of them) 
those most powerful modern auxiliaries which are 
attaining so much vogue and so great success in socie- 
ties in which the great Christian sentiments having 
grown cold, reason is not heard easily unless supplied 
with the force of cannon or with the armor-plate of 
the high bench, of vast political parties, or of fear- 
ful popular movements. 

Alone with our reason and our right, although 
with our conscience satisfied at always having ful- 
filled, yea always^ our duties, of having been as patri- 
otic as the greatest, or more so, and of having ful- 
filled the obligations of our sacred ministry, we have 
endured silently and in all patience, in accordance 
with the advice of the apostle, the insults and vilifi- 
cations, even of persons to whom we have offered 
in Christian sincerity our affection and civilities, even 
by persons who call themselves very Catholic, but 
who, perchance, infected with the contagion of the 
practical Jansenism of certain present-day reformers, 
forget the remark of that great Christian emperor, 
who said that if he should see a priest who had fallen 
into any frailty, he would cover him with his cloak, 
rather than publish his weakness. 

Alone, with our reason and our right, and confi- 
dent that reason would at last clear the pathway, and 
that light would at last illumine the dense obscurity 
created by hatred of sect, by the separatist spirit, and 
by flippancy, envy, and the false zeal of certain per- 
sons, we have endured the insinuations, made in the 
Cortes [parlamentoY^^ of last year which showed 

^^*The Spanish Cortes is made up of the Senate (Senado) and 
the congress (congreso), and in them, together with the king, re- 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 233 

scant respect to the orders; the assertions made, not 
only in private, but also in centers of great publicity, 
and by persons of considerable popularity in military 
circles [politica militante']^ that the religious pres- 
tige of Filipinas was so broken that it was necessary 
to substitute it with armed force; the publishing of 
the recourse of an eminent politician, sacrificed by 
anarchy, to the orders for information and advice in 
Philippine matters, as a dishonorable censure; the 
grave accusations directed against us, as well as 
against a most worthy prelate, in a memorial pre- 
sented to the senate, although veiled under certain 
appearances of impartiality and gentle correction; 
the different-toned clamoring from day to day, with 
more or less crudity, in order that the historic penin- 
sular period of 1834-40 might be reproduced in the 
islands, and in order that measures might be adopted 
against us, so radical that they are not taken (and the 
discussion of them is shameful) either against the 
centers of public immorality, or against societies and 
attempts that have no other end than to discatholicize 
the nation and to sow in it the germs of thorough so- 
cial upheaval. 

Why the religious have been silent until now. We 
believed and thought that our prudence and long si- 
lence, adorned with the qualities of circumspection 
and magnanimity which religious institutions should 
always possess, ought to be sufficient for discreet and 

sides the legislative power, according to the constftution of 1876. 
The present Cortes is the outgrowth of the Cortes formerly as- 
sembled by the king before the adoption of the constitution, or 
rather it is the substitute that has supplanted them; for the in- 
herent principle today is that sovereignty resides in the nation in- 
stead of the king. See Die, encic, Hisp.-Amer.y v, pp. 1166, 
1 167. 


fair-minded people, so that they would immediately 
impugn those accusations and form a judgment by 
which those repeated attacks would not make a dent 
in our credit and prestige. We supposed that that 
campaign of diatribes and reproaches would vanish 
at last as a summer cloud formed by the effluvia cast 
off from the forges of masonry and filibusterism. 

But instead of being dissipated the storm appears 
to be increasing daily. The treaty of Biac-na-bato^^^ 
has again placed in the mouth of many the crafty as- 
sertion, made now by the rebel leaders that the in- 
stitutes of the regulars have been the only cause of 
the insurrection. The secret society ^^^ of the Katipu- 
nan, which is extending itself throughout the islands 
like a terrible plague, has established by order of its 
Gran Oriente,^^^ the extinction of the religious as one 
of the first articles of their program of race hatred. 

^^^ See anfCy pp. 195-201. See also North American Review^ 
August, 1901, "The Katipunan of the Philippines," by Col. L. 
W. V. Kennon, p. 212 ; and Primo de Rivera's Memorial. 

^^* The original is carbonario, a word used to indicate the mem- 
ber of a secret society, or the society itself. It is from the Italian 
carbonarOy literally coal or charcoal dealer, and its origin is the 
secret political sect of Italy, formed early in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, with the avowed purpose of destroying tyranny and estab- 
lishing freedom. 

^®^ The first Filipino freemason lodge in the Philippines was 
founded in Cavite about i860 by two Spanish naval officers under 
the name of Luz Filipina. It was established under the auspices of 
the Gran Oriente Lusitana, and was in correspondence with the 
Portuguese lodges at Macao and Hong-Kong. Gradually other 
lodges were established and natives and mestizos were admitted to 
membership. The " Gran Oriente " of the text is the Spanish 
division of the order, Spain and Portugal having split into two 
divisions after i860. It is claimed by Catholics that the Katipu- 
nan was the fighting branch of the masonic order. It is probably 
true that it borrowed some few things from freemasonry in mat- 
ters of form, but there the analogy seems to end. For the friar 
viewpoint of masonry in Spain and the Philippines, see Navarro's 
Algunos asunto§ de actualidad (Madrid, 1897), PP* 221-277; 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 235 

In the Peninsula and here, the masons, and all those 
who, in one way or another, second them, have re- 
juvenated [recrudecido]^ their war against us. Mani- 
festos have been published in Madrid, in which mis- 
using the names of Filipinas, measures highly dis- 
respectful and vexatious to the clergy are demanded. 
Even in the ministry of the colonies, although of- 
ficiously, persons have managed to introduce them- 
selves, who, pursued by the tribunals of justice as un- 
faithful do not hide their animadversion to the reli- 
gious corporations. Now, if we were to continue si- 
lent in view of all these circumstances, our silence 
would be taken with reason as cowardice, or as an 
argument of guilt; our patience would be qualified 
as weakness; and even firm and sensible Catholics 
who recognize the injustice of the attacks directed 
upon us, could with reason infer that we were stained, 
or that we had come to such a prostrate condition 
that one could with impunity insult and mock us, as 
if in downright truth we were old and decayed enti- 
ties whose decadence is the last symptom of death. 

Prtus mori, quam fcedari^^^^ said the ancients ; and 
the most loyal Maccabaeans, "// is better to die in 
the battle than to see the extermination of our nation 
and of the sanctuary ^^^^ As long as the corpora- 
tions exist, they will glory, as they ought, in repeat- 
ing with St. Paul: ^^Quamdiu sum Apostolus, min- 
isterium meum honorificabo^^^^ We have always 

and Pastells's La masonizacion de Filipinas. Sawyer^s account 
{Inhabitants of the Philippines^ pp. 79-81) is very inadequate. 
^^^ i.e., " It is better to die than to federate." 
^^®This passage (i Machabees, iii, 59), reads in the English 
Douay version : " For it is better for us to die in battle, than to 
see the evils of our nation, and of the holies." 

2^^ i.e., " As long as I am the apostle, I shall honour my min- 
istry," a portion of Romans, xi, 13. 


endeavored to honor our ministry, and we shall al- 
ways continue to honor it, now and in the future, by 
the grace of God, which we trust will not fail us. 
Consequently, we do not vacillate in addressing our- 
selves today to the exalted authorities of the nation, 
taking shelter in our confidence, that, though we are 
poor and helpless, and have no other protection than 
our spotless history, our immaculate honor, and our 
secure rights, we are talking to those in whom intel- 
ligence and good sense are brothers to nobility of 
thought, who are always ready to listen, especially to 
the poor and weak, and in whom their respect and 
love to Catholic institutions and to the so eminently 
glorious and meritorious title '* Regular Clergy of 
Filipinas," shelter them from the suggestions of sects 
and the prejudice of anticlerical and separatist 

They are persecuted because of their religious sig- 
nificance. What reason have the religious corpora- 
tions of Filipinas given that they should be perse- 
cuted with so great passion? Ah! your Excellency, 
that reason is no other than because they are very 
Catholic, because they are very Spanish, because they 
are effective supporters of the good and sane doctrine, 
and because they have never shown weakness toward 
the enemies of God and of the fatherland.^^^ If we 

^^^ In the Ayer collection is a document dated Manila, Janu- 
ary 17, 1888, by one Candido Garcia, a native Filipino, an inhab- 
itant of San Felipe Neri, in which he complains against the friar 
parish priest Gregorio Chagra, O.S.F., who has endeavored to 
have him deported as anti-Spanish. The reason of this is because 
Garcia had complained that the friar disobeyed the law in regard 
to burials as well as other laws. He also accuses the friars of not 
wishing to have the Filipinos learn Spanish, as they desire them 
to have no communication with Spaniards. He thus charges the 
friars with disobedience and disloyalty. 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 237 

religious had not defended here with inviolable firm- 
ness the secular work which our fathers bequeathed 
us ; if we had shrunk our shoulders in fear before the 
work of the lodges and before the propagation of 
politico-religious errors that have come to us from 
Europa; if we had given the most insignificant sign, 
not only if not of sympathy, yet even the least sign of 
mute passivity, to the advocates of the false modern 
liberties condemned by the Church; if the flame of 
patriotism had become lessened to us ; and innovators 
had not met in each religious in Filipinas an un- 
changeable and terrible adversary to their plans, open 
or hidden: never, your Excellency, would we reli- 
gious corporations have been the object of the cruel 
persecution now practiced on us; but on the con- 
trary, we regulars would have been exalted to the 
clouds, and so much the more as our enemies are not 
unaware that, granting the influence that we enjoy 
in the archipelago, our support, even if passive and 
one of mere silence, would indisputably have given 
them the victory. 

But they know that our banner is none other than 
the Syllabus of the great pontifif, Pius IX,^^^ which 
has been so often confirmed by Leo XIII, in which 
all rebellion against legitimate authorities is so vig- 

^^^ A brief statement by the pope of errors condemned in 1864, 
and known under the title Syllabus errorum. It was appended 
to the encyclical Quanta cura, condemning eighty doctrines, which 
it calls " the principal errors of our times." These heresies had 
all previously been pointed out by Pius IX in consistorial allocu- 
tions, and encyclical and other apostolic letters. It is a protest 
against atheism, materialism, and other forms of infidelity. It 
condemns religious and civil liberty, separation of Church and 
State, and preeminence of the Church of Rome. See Philip 
Schaffs Creeds of Christendom (New York, 1877), i, pp. 128- 
134, and ii, pp. 213-233 (this last the Latin and English text of 
the Syllabus.) 


orously condemned. They know that, as lovers of 
the only true liberty- Christian liberty -we would 
rather die than consent, in whatever pertains to us, 
to the least lack of the purity of the infallible Cath- 
olic teachings, of the holiness of Christian customs, 
and of the most complete loyalty due the Spanish 
nation. Consequently, they hate us; consequently, 
veiled under divers names and with divers pretexts, 
they are making so cruel war upon us, that one would 
believe that the masons and filibusters have no other 
enemies in Filipinas than the religious corporations. 
In such wise does that honor us that we can very well 
say with the prince of the apostles : ^^ If you be re- 
proached for the name of Christ, you shall be blessed: 
for that which is of the honor, glory, and power of 
God, and that which is his spirit resteth upon you 
(i Peter iv, 14)."^^^ 

And for their patriotic significance. Apart from 
their essentially religious character, the regulars of 
the archipelago have another significance that makes 
them odious to the separatists. They are the only per- 
manent and deeply-rooted Spanish institution in the 
islands, with a suitable and rigorous organization, 
perfectly adapted to these regions. While the other 
Peninsulars live here in the fulfilment of their duty 
more or less time, as is convenient to their private 
interests, and with no other bond that follows them 
to Filipinas than their own convenience, being igno- 
rant of the language of the country and having no 
other relations with the natives than those of a super- 

203 -yy-g ]^2cvt taken the reading of the English Douay version. 
Translated directly from the Spanish, this verse reads : " If you 
be reproached for the name of Christ, you will be blessed ; for the 
honor, glory, and virtue of God, and His ov^n spirit rest upon 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 239 

ficial intercourse, we religious come here to sacrifice 
our whole life. We form as it were a net of soldiers 
of religion and of the fatherland in the archipelago, 
scattered even to the remotest villages of the islands. 
Here we have our history, our glories, the ancestral 
house, so to speak, of our family. Bidding an eternal 
farewell to our native soil, we condemn ourselves vol- 
untarily, by virtue of our vows, to live forever conse- 
crated to the moral, religious, and political educa- 
tion of these natives, for whose defense we have in 
all ages waged campaigns, which, without the pious 
boastings [crudezasl and exaggerations of Las 
Casas,^^* have constantly reproduced in Filipinas the 
figure of the immortal defender of the American na- 

Craftiness of the insurgent leaders of filibusteristn. 
In this point it must be confessed that the insurgent 
leaders of filibusterism are logical. " Do the regu- 
lars," they have asked themselves, " who are the Span- 
iards most deeply-rooted and most influential in the 
country, and the most beloved and respected by the 
people, agree to, or will they ever agree to our 
projects? Then let us petition their expulsion, and 
their disappearance in one way or another. If we do 
not succeed in it, let us destroy them. Since there are 
many peninsulars, who, influenced by modern errors 
or carried away by ignorance or evil passion, lend ear 

^^^ Bartolome de las Casas or Casaus, who was born in Sevilla 
in 1474, and died in Madrid, in July, 1569, and because of his 
great exertions for the Indians called the " apostle of the Indies." 
Much has been written concerning this romantic and sincere char- 
acter of early American history. He wrote various books, some of 
which have been published. Mr. Ayer of Chicago possesses one 
volume in MS. of his three- volume Historia general de India^, 
This history (covering the years 1492-1520) was begun m 1527 
and completed in 1559. 


to those who inveigh against the religious, let us in- 
veigh loudly. Let us form a powerful cry against 
them. Let us conspire in lodges and political clubs. 
Let us petition at any risk measures looking to the 
lowering and destruction of the regular clergy. Those 
peninsulars will listen to us without us having any 
fear that they will hold us as filibusters. It will be 
said of us that we are liberals, that we are reformers, 
that we are democrats, that we are even masons and 
free-thinkers : but that does not matter. Many penin- 
sulars are the same. They also inveigh against the 
religious. They also petition freedom of thought, 
freedom of the press, freedom of association, secular- 
ization of education, ecclesiastical disamortization, 
suppression of the privileges of the clergy. They 
also inveigh against the terrible theocracy, and do 
not cease to defame the religious and to impute to 
them all sorts of crimes." 

That, your Excellency, is the watchword that has 
been given to all the filibusters, and to all who will 
procure the emancipation of the country in one way 
or another, for their separatist ends, and especially 
since the treaty of Biac-na-bato. ^^ There is nothing 
against Espafia, nothing against the king, nothing 
against the army, nothing against the Spanish admin- 
istration : say if you have seized arms that it has been 
exclusively because of the abuses of the clergy, that 
you were not attempting separation from the mother- 
country; that you wished only modern liberties and 
the disappearance of the orders. And even though 
all the documents, judicial and extrajudicial, in 
which appear the plans of the conspirators, and all 
the acts of the canton of Cavite, during its ephemeral 
emancipation, demonstrates the contrary, let us exert 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 24 1 

ourselves to say that that was not the intention of the 
rebels, that that was an affair of some enthusiasts or 
madmen, but that the great mass of the insurgents 
seized arms only through coveting those liberties. 
The multitude of lay Spaniards of every class and 
profession sacrificed; the countless natives killed or 
harassed in innumerable ways, because of their un- 
swerving loyalty to the fatherland; the cries of 
* Death to the CastilasI' and 'Long live the Taga- 
logs!' the stamps of a Tagalog republic, a Filipino 
republic,^^' an army of freedom; the speeches and 
circulars of the assembly or supreme council; the 
fiery Katipunan constitution written in characters of 
a mysterious key, and that written at Biac-na-bato; 
and in their style, an infinite number of deeds and 
documents, many of them very recent, which even to 
satiety evidently demonstrate the anti-Spanish and 
separatist character of the insurrection: all that we 
shall now conceal by crying ' Down with the friars! ' 
'Long live democratic liberties!' 'Long live Es- 
pana!' and with those cries are we certain of being 
heard, and in that way shall we be able to more easily 
attain the final goal of our desires." 

That is the logic and the tactics of the filibusters, 
and it must be confessed that in it they show them- 
selves to possess practical talent, and to be thoroughly 
acquainted with the society that surrounds them. 
Had they said that the insurrection had been pro- 
voked by the excesses of the government employes, 
of the military, of the governors, of the directors of 

205 Aguinaldo states that after he had been driven to the moun- 
tains in May, 1897, he established a republic. See North Amer, 
Rev,, August, 1 901, p. 212. See also the constitution of the so- 
called republic in Constitucion politica de la Republica Filipina 
promulgada el dia 22 de Enero de i8gg (1899). 


the treasury; had they placed in relief the multitude 
of abuses that have been committed against the na- 
tive in one form or another (although never by the 
nation, or by the majority of its sons) ; had they at- 
tributed the armed insurrection to that: they w^ould 
now be opposed by all the peninsular element, and 
their voice would have had not the slightest echo, as 
it would have been stifled by the more powerful voice 
of others who would have cried out in defense of the 
Spanish name, and who would have locked on them 
the door to all the means of propaganda and agita- 
tion which they are now exploiting. But when they 
declaimed against the clergy, when they demanded 
the liberties that the clergy cannot in conscience ap- 
prove, they had at least assured their campaign, and 
in part, perhaps, the success of the same. 

Their real purposes. Does not this show, your Ex- 
cellency, that, in talking of the supposed or enor- 
mously exaggerated abuses of the clergy, they are not 
moved by love of justice and morality, and much 
less by love for Espafia? What then, do they not rec- 
ognize that for one religious who has committed 
abuses, it is to be surmised, from their employment, 
that there have been many more laymen in proportion 
(and let it be clear that we accuse no one, and least 
of all the worthy official corporations) who have con- 
verted their office, totally or partially, into a means 
for illegal advancement? Have the insurgents not 
cried out at other times, and during the preparatory 
period of the insurrection, against the meritorious 
civil guard, against judges and alcaldes, against the 
army, against the peninsular resident in the island, 
against the administration in general, and even 
against the superior authorities of the archipelago? 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 243 

Is not this proved by the books of the unfortunate 
Rizal, by the Solidaridad^^^^ and other documents and 
pamphlets of the laborers, although one must not for- 
get that their favorite watchword was always to cru- 
elly attack the religious? Undoubtedly so, but it was 
not now advisable for them to declare it. Now was 
come the opportunity to show themselves very Span- 
ish, very loyal to the king (they who were affiliating 
themselves to the extent of their ability with the most 
radical parties) , very fond of the army, and to attack 
only the religious ! 

Accusations against the orders. They work deceit- 
fully, we shall say with the Psalmist (Psalm 35),^^^ 
they talk of peace and of love outwardly, but evil and 
hate are hid in their hearts ; supervacue exprobaverunt 
animam meam. Most vainly do they wrong us, we 
shall add, in respect to the accusations that they direct 
against us. ^^ Unjust witnesses rising up have asked 
me things I knew not. They repaid me evil for good : 
and have sworn my destruction. But thou, O Lord, 
wilt destroy their plans, and wilt save my existence.'' 
(Psalm 35.)^^^ 

Yea, your Excellency, unjust witnesses, for where 

2o«See^/z/^, p. 176. 

2®^ This IS Psalm 34 in the Douay version, but, as here, 35, in 
the Vulgate, and common English versions. Psalm 9 in the 
Douay version is equivalent to 9 and 10 in the other versions. 
After verse 21 in the Douay version is the sub-head " Psalm ac- 
cording to the Hebrevirs," and the following verses are numbered 
from unity. The Vulgate has the same heading, but regards the 
subject-matter as a new psalm. 

208 -yyTg follow the Douay version to the word " good " (Psalm 
34, II, and part of 12). The rest of the passage we translate 
directly, as it has no exact equivalent in this Psalm. The direct 
translation of the first two clauses of the Spanish is " Unjust wit- 
nesses have risen up, and charged me with things of which I am 


are those abuses, those excesses, those vices, those out- 
rages, of which their mouths are so full, and which 
furnish them matter for their speeches of a demagog- 
ical club of the rabble? What do the religious cor- 
porations maintain, when viewed with a deep syn- 
thetical standard, which is not in accordance with the 
canons of the Church and the rules of their institute ; 
which is not fitting to the holy ministry that they pro- 
fess; which is not greatly beneficial to the supreme 
interests of the fatherland? We turn our eyes in all 
directions, and however quick-sighted may be our 
eyes, unless one views the orders through the Phari- 
saical or separatist prism, they discover nothing that 
does not merit the heartiest applause. ^^Laudet te 
alienusj^^ says the sacred book of Proverbs, " et non os 
tuumy^''^ But it is not our intention to praise our- 
selves here. It is our intention to vindicate our- 
selves; to defend our honor unjustly impeached; to 
demonstrate our eminently Spanish mission; and to 
maintain our good name, which is our treasure, 
which is the great title of nobility that we can never 
abdicate nor allow to be vilified. ^^ By your good 
works stop the mouth of the ignorance of foolish and 
senseless men," says St. Peter to us. (i Peter ii, 


^^We walk not in craftiness, nor by adulterating 
the word of God ; but by manifestation of the truth 
commending ourselves to every man's conscience, in 
the sight of God; that is our glory, the testimony of 
our conscience," is also taught us by St. Paul. (2 

^^^ i.e., " Let another praise thee, and not thy own mouth," the 
first half of Proverbs xxvii, 2. 

^^^ In the Douay version this verse reads : " For so is the will 
of God, that by doing well you may put to silence the ignorance 
of foolish men." 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 245 

Cor. iv, 2.)^" From our dishonor follows the dis- 
honor of the holy and Spanish mission that we exer- 
cise ; and God has told us that we should be the salt 
of the earth and the light of the world, and that we 
should shine in such manner that men may see our 
good works, and glorify our father who is in 

How they have fulfilled their duties. Our good 
works are in the gaze of all men, and our good 
works, thanks to God, are the brightest gem of the 
corporations. Not only do we preach the gospel here ; 
not only do we carry the Christian and civilized life 
to the barbarous and fetish-encumbered inhabitants 
of these islands ; not only did we obtain the incorpora- 
tion of the archipelago into the Spanish crown, work- 
ing in harmony with the other official entities, and 
preserved it, as is well known, in a peaceful and 
happy condition for the space of three centuries; 
but also, in all time, even now when we are wronged 
so deeply by some ingrate Filipinos, whom we pity, 
have we been the constant defenders of the Indians, 
enduring for that reason innumerable loathings, and 
all kinds of persecution on the part of many peninsu- 
lars, who did not understand the devotion and pa- 
triotism of our conduct. In all time have we been 
zealous for the purity of the faith and for the con- 
servation of good morals; and illegal exactions, 
bribery, extortions, outrages, ease, immoral gam- 
bling, and a licentious or little restrained life, have 

^^^ The Douay version reads : " But we renounce the hidden 
things of dishonesty, not walking in craftiness, nor adulterating 
the word of God; But by manifestation of the truth commending 
ourselves to every man's conscience, in the sight of God." The 
last clause above is evidently taken from 2 Cor. i, 12. 

2^2 A reference to Matthew, v„ 13-16. 


always had in us a severe judge and the most inexora- 
ble censor. 

Can it be said of the religious institutes, whether 
collectively or in the vast majority of their individual 
members, that they have prevaricated; that they have 
ever abandoned the duties entrusted to them in the 
administration of the sacraments, in the celebration 
of divine worship, in Christian preaching and cate- 
chising, in the vigilance of good manners, in the tute- 
lage of moral interests, in protection and relief to the 
needy and weak, in advice and consolation to all 
about us, in the maintenance of obedience to the 
mother-country, in the extension of education, in the 
campaign against every kind of superstition and er- 
roneous practice, in repression of concubinage, and 
of other public irregularities and scandals? Does not 
the tenet enter the head of the most exalted sectarian, 
if he has any lucid moment, that we religious have 
fulfilled with assiduous self-abnegation the obliga- 
tions of our ministry? 

We have become wearied with reading, your Ex- 
cellency, whatever has been written and published 
against us for years, and we know also how much is 
said now in assemblies and gatherings. With our 
hand upon our heart, with our foreheads raised aloft, 
as one who walks in the light and fears not to have 
his deeds examined and discussed in the light, we 
challenge and defy our detractors and calumniators, 
and those who flippantly, or by any other unjust and 
inaccurate motive, talk and murmur, to show us with 
exact data and with perfectly authentic information, 
not only the accuracy of all their accusations, but 
the mere probability of whatever they allege against 
our honor and well-established credit, touching the 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 247 

fulfilment of our duties, both religious and patriotic. 

Their procedure in respect to parochial obventions, 
to education, and intercourse with intelligent persons. 
It is said that we commit abuse in the exaction of 
parochial fees. Let the laws of the Church be con- 
sulted, let the doctrines of the moralists and the prin- 
ciples of positive natural and divine law be cited; 
and then submitted to that only sure rule as a cri- 
terion, let them tell us whether we abuse the public 
in that matter, and whether our procedure, within 
just bounds, is not that employed by the most dis- 
interested priests. 

It is said that we are hostile to education and the 
advancement of knowledge. But if by education and 
knowledge, doctrines not condemned by the Church, 
our Mother, are not meant, let them tell us whether 
the islands have any education that has not been 
established, protected, sustained, and encouraged by 
the clergy, in all branches of instruction, both pri- 
mary, and secondary and superior. 

It is said that we despise the intelligent men of 
the country, and that we make them the object of 
every kind of persecution. That assertion is so rare 
and stupendous that we wonder whether our enemies 
will write in imaginary spaces. A multitude of 
youths are graduated annually with the degree of 
bachelor or after the conclusion of some higher 
course, from the Ateneo Municipal, from the col- 
leges of Manila and the provinces, and from the uni- 
versity. We are honored by the friendship of the 
vast majority of them, and take no little satisfaction 
in seeing them prosper and in knowing that they 
respect the Christian and solid education that they 
have received. It is known that very few of the 


great number of students that attend our lecture halls, 
and of the not few graduates that are scattered 
throughout the islands, have taken part in the re- 
bellion ; and that the vast majority of them have kept 
loyal to Espafta, in fulfilment of the oath that they 
took on receiving the investiture of their professions. 
But what happens in the old world with the appren- 
tices of free thought happens here: all those mod- 
estly call themselves intelligent who think that they 
exhibit signs of knowledge and talent by showing 
contempt for priests and religious; while it is a fact 
that a goodly proportion of those who express them- 
selves in that manner have been unable to complete 
their courses with us, and are the refuse of our lec- 
ture halls. 

Regarding the sanctity of their private life. An 
outcry is being made against the vices and immoral- 
ity of the regulars in terms that seem to be inspired 
in Protestant and anticlerical centers of low quality. 
But in that, as in other things, saving what can never 
be avoided even in the communities most sanely or- 
ganized, by the severest legislation and the most ex- 
quisite care, all who view us near at hand are not 
ignorant that nothing can be thrown into our face. 

The words of Father St. Augustine, when defend- 
ing his institute against accusations similar to those 
directed against the orders of Filipinas, are very op- 
portune and efficacious in this matter. "Tell me, 
brethren, is my congregation, peradventure, better 
than Noah's ark, in which, of the three sons Noah 
had, one was evil? Is it, peradventure, better than 
the family of the patriarch Jacob, in which, of his 
twelve sons, only Joseph is praised? Is it, peradven- 
ture, better than the house of the patriarch Isaac, in 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 249 

which, of the two sons born to him, one was chosen 
of God, and the other damned? Is it, peradventure, 
better than the household of Jesus Christ, our Savior, 
in which, of His twelve apostles, one was a traitor, 
and sold him? Is it, peradventure, better than that 
company of the seven deacons filled with the Holy- 
spirit, chosen by the apostles to take charge of the 
poor and widowed, among whom one, by name Nich- 
olas, became a heresiarch? Is it, peradventure, bet- 
ter than heaven itself, whence fell so many angels? 
Can it be better than the earthly paradise, where the 
two first parents of all the human race, created in 
original justice and grace, fell?" 

Ah! the religious corporations of Filipinas, caring 
for the sanctity and salvation of all its sons, on seeing 
one of their individual members fail in his duties, 
after correcting him, and after taking, in accordance 
with law and religious prudence, measures efficacious 
to repair, if he did it, the scandal, and even, if neces- 
sary, to destroy and fling aside the rotten branch, 
cry out in pity with the apostle like a true mother: 
" Quis infirmatur et ego non infirmor? Quis scandali- 
zatur et ego non uror?^^ 'Who becomes sick spiritu- 
ally and I do not suffer with him? Who suffers scan- 
dal and I am not burned?" That is what all should 
say who learn of the backslidings of their neighbor; 
that is the dictate of charity and of justice; that is 
demanded by respect and consideration to the minis- 
ters of the church. And so long as our systematic 
accusers do not prove that the orders consent and do 
not check the sins, in great part humanly inevitable - 
considering the conditions under which those dedi- 
cated to the ministry live -of the very few religious 
who have the misfortune and weakness to fall, they 


have no right to dishonor us and to cry out against 
what we are the first to lament and to try to correct. 
Will they prove it sometime? We are quite as- 
sured of the opposite ; and that though they have at 
hand, as many methods of inquisition and proof as 
the judge most interested in any cause can desire. 
Our convents, our ministries, our persons, are in sight 
of all. Our parish priests and missionaries are alone 
and surrounded by a multitude of natives. What- 
ever we say, do, or neglect to do, is seen and spied by 
all the people. Our habitations are of crystal for all 
classes of people. Our publicity as Europeans and 
our condition as priests place us in such relief in 
the missions and parishes, that it would be stupid sim- 
plicity to try to hide our doings and actions. Con- 
sequently, everything is favorable to our adversaries 
in the trial to which we provoke them, and to which 
each regular voluntarily submits himself, from the 
moment that, faithful to his vocation and obedient 
to his superiors, he sacrifices himself to live among 
these natives, his very beloved sheep of the flock of 
Christ. Our honor, our reputation rests in their 
hands. It would be easy for our adversaries to con- 
found the religious institutes if truth presided over 
their accusations. But since truth is that which does 
not glitter in their words, the saying of Holy Writ 
becomes verified in their conduct: "They spake 
against me with a lying tongue, and with the speech 
of hate did they attack me ; " and in regard to us the 
saying of St. Peter: "You shall keep an upright con- 
science with modesty and fear, so that as many as 
calumniate your upright procedure in Christ, shall 
be confounded." ^'^ 

^^^ The first reference is to Psalm cviii, 2 (Douay version) but 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1898 25 1 

Other equally unjust charges. We shall not com- 
pare our conduct with that of the respectable and 
very estimable native priests of the secular clergy, 
whom the majority of the separatist Filipinos flatter, 
undoubtedly because it is not to the purpose of their 
plans to combat them. We shall not rebut the shame- 
lessness of supposing that part of our property has a 
criminal origin, and that we are certain despots in 
our rural estates who suck the blood of our tenants 
by various methods, an infamy so often refuted with 
authentic data of overwhelming proof. We shall 
not speak of the vast imposture of imputing to us all 
the executions by shooting, imprisonments, tortures, 
trials, and confiscation of property of those impli- 
cated in the last insurrection. We scorn the absurd 
fable that we are absolute masters, not only of con- 
sciences, but of all the archipelago, at the same time 
that they, obviously contradicting themselves, as error 
is wont to do, declare that our prestige and influence 
in the islands is lost. We neglect to attribute to our- 
selves whatever hate and censure, according to them, 
have been made in the country by the military [m- 
stitutos armados'] , the governors, the judges, and all the 
public organisms, in deportations and other kinds of 
punishment; as if we religious managed to our liking 
the machine of the government and administration 
of this territory, and as if, from the governor-general 
down to the last agent of the police, all were but the 
blind executors of our will. We lay aside those and 
other things -poorly executed arguments -which 
certain misguided sons of this country are still em- 

cxix,^ common English version. The second reference is to i Peter, 
iii, 16. Neither one is an exact quotation, and hence we translate 


ploying, and which are unfortunately repeated by 
certain peninsulars, in order to manifest their hatred 
or prejudice against the clergy; and pass on to speak 
of the insurrection and of the imperious necessity 
of remedying the extremely embarrassing situation 
of the religious corporations in the archipelago. 

Fundamental causes of the insurrection, and who 
are to blame for it. The government is able only 
too well to recognize the causes that have produced 
the insurrection, and we shall not be the ones who 
try to give it lessons in that regard. The govern- 
ment is aware that until several years ago, every 
separatist idea, every rebel tendency in the country, 
which was enjoying the most enviable peace and felt 
respect to authority with the same unreflecting, al- 
though patent and holy, force, with which domestic 
authority in all parts is obeyed and respected, was 
exotic and an anachronism. Then was submission 
to Espaiia and subordination to all authority an ele- 
ment truly social^ rendered incarnate by the religious 
in the mass of the Filipino population, which neither 
dreamed, yea, your Excellency, neither dreamed of 
ideas of political redemption, nor imagined that, in 
order to keep themselves loyal to the mother-country, 
one single bayonet was necessary in the country. 
The public force of the cuadrilleros and of the 
guardia civil^^^ (the latter of very recent creation) 
was necessarily created to check and restrain thieves 
and tulisanes;^^^ while every one thought that the 

^^^ The cuadrilleros formerly acted as a police in the Philip- 
pines. (See VOL. XVII, p. 333.) The guardia civil or civil guard 
was created in imitation of the guardia civil of Spain (the most 
efficient body of police of that country, and analogous to the 
carabiniert of Italy) in 1869. (See Montero y Vidal, Historia 
general, iii, p. 494.) 

215 Qj. robbers. They generally went in bands and had their 
retreats in the woods and hills. 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 253 

wretched army then in the archipelago had no other 
object than to combat Mindanaos and Joloans, and to 
be ready for any conflict with the neighboring 
powers. Espana was able to be sure of its dominion 
here, and to live so carelessly, with respect to politi- 
cal movements as in the most retired village of the 
Peninsula. All authority was obeyed, was respected, 
by conscience, by education, by tradition, by social 
habit, passively and by custom, if one wishes, but 
with so great strength and firmness, with so indis- 
putable and universal submission, that more indeed 
than individual virtue it was the virtue of the mass 
of the whole population, it was the spontaneous 
homage to God, which, represented in the powers 
of the fatherland, all felt and practiced, not conceiv- 
ing even the possibility of rebellions and insurrec- 
tions. Thus had they been taught by the religious, 
who always unite the names of God and His Church 
with the names of their king and of Espana. Conse- 
quently, by bonds of conscience, did all the archi- 
pelago love and obey him, and no one thought then 
of political liberties, nor in lifting yokes that existed 
for no one. 

Are there then no abuses? No, your Excellency, 
it could have very well happened that there were 
abuses on a greater scale than in the epoch immedi- 
ately preceding the present events. But since these 
people were educated in the doctrine that it is never 
legal to disobey authority, under pretext of abuses, 
even if some are true; since these people had not 
yet been imbued with the new modern teachings, 
condemned a hundred times by the Church; since 
no one had spoken here of popular rights, many of 
them as false as senseless; since the propaganda 
against priests and religious had not yet reached Fili- 


pinas: it resulted that, considering those abuses, as 
one of so many plagues of humanity (from which 
regulated societies are not free, according to the 
principles of the newest erroneous law, but rather 
they are, on the contrary, suffered with greater in- 
tensity and with greater loss to the fundamental in- 
terests of the social order) these inhabitants tolerated 
them patiently, and had recourse for their remedy 
to the just methods taught in such cases by Catholic 
ethics, with the greatest advantage to individuals and 
to nations. 

Consequently, as many as have contributed, in one 
way or another, to introduce those revolutionary doc- 
trines, and those germs of social and political dis- 
turbance into the archipelago, whether peninsulars 
or islanders, of whatever class or rank, are the true 
authors, conscious or unconscious, of the great weak- 
ening of the traditional obedience to the mother- 
country, of which the whole archipelago was in 
peaceful possession until thirty years ago, that was 
disturbed by no one or by no influence. The intro- 
ducers of those doctrines and tendencies are beyond 
all doubt the culprits of the insurrection, for they are 
the ones who have done their utmost to prepare for it 
and with success to unroll it, even supposing that they 
have not directly and deliberately procured it. 

Who sows the wind will reap the whirlwind; who 
introduces principles must accept the consequences; 
who generates hate must not wonder that war results ; 
who teaches the pathway of evil cannot declare him- 
self free from responsibility for the disorders orig- 
inated by his teaching. 

Partial causes: masonry. Will it be necessary to 
explain this simple consideration? We do not think 
so. But should we desire to unfold it, it would be 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 2^5 

easy for us to add that the anti-religious propaganda; 
the ideas of erroneous liberty and forbidden inde- 
pendence, incited and aroused in certain Filipinos 
by European politicians and writers; the antipathy 
and opposition, clearly shown by certain Spaniards, 
even by those ruling and by government employes, 
against the religious corporations ; the establishment 
of masonry and of other secret societies, the former's 
legitimate offspring; the most favorable reception 
that the revolutionary Filipinos found for their plans 
in many centers and papers of Madrid and other 
places; the lack of religion in many peninsulars; 
the ease with which the ancient laws of Filipinas 
have been changed; the mobility of public func- 
tionaries which, giving opportunity for many irregu- 
larities, has contributed greatly to the continual 
lessening of the credit of the Spanish name; and in 
part, the backwardness, which has been observed 
sometimes in the sons of the country with regard to 
public appointments: [all these] are partial aspects, 
various phases and confluent factors (of which we do 
not attempt to enumerate all) of the fundamental and 
synthetical cause that we have expressed. 

No one is unaware that the chief of all those par- 
tial phases and factors of the social disorganization 
of the archipelago has been masonry. The Asocia- 
cion Hispano-Filipina of Madrid was masonic. 
Those who encouraged the Filipinos in their cam- 
paign against the clergy and against the peninsulars 
here resident, were masons in almost their totality. 
Those who authorized the installation of lodges in 
the archipelago were masons. Those who founded 
the Katipunan^^^ a society so mortally masonic, that 

2" See Col. L. W. V. Kennon's article in the ISlorth Amer. 
Review, for August, 1901, "The Katipunan of the Phih'ppines." 


even in its terrible suggestive pact of blood it has 
done naught but imitate the masonic carbonarioSy 
wtTt masons. 

Practical consequences of that. The traditional 
submission to the fatherland, diffused and deeply set- 
tled in the archipelago by the religious corporations, 
having disappeared in part and having been greatly 
weakened in part; the voice of the parish priest, 
thanks to the above-mentioned propaganda, having 
been disregarded by many natives, especially in Ma- 
nila and conterminous provinces, who were taught in 
that way to give themselves airs as intelligent and 
independent men; the prestige of the Spanish name 
having been greatly tempered, and the ancient re- 
spect with which every peninsular was formerly re- 
garded in the islands having been almost annihilated 
in many towns : is it strange that race instincts should 
have asserted themselves strongly, and, considering 
that they have a distinct language, and distinct lands 
and climate, that they should have discussed and have 
attempted to raise a wall of separation between Span- 
iards and Malays? Is it not logical that, after hav- 
ing been made to believe that the religious is not 
the father and shepherd of their souls and their 
friend and enthusiastic defender, but a vile exploiter, 
and that the peninsular here is no more than a trader 
constituted with greater or less authority and rank, 
that they should madly and illegally have imagined 
that they could easily separate from Espafia and 
aspire to self-government? 

Gloomy situation of the archipelago and omens of 
its future. We shall not insist, your Excellency, on 
this order of consideration, for it rends our soul, it 

Many other writers speak of this society, but as yet no real au- 
thentic account of it has appeared, as we are still too near it. 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 ^57 

cleaves our heart in twain, to consider how easily so 
many rivers of blood, so great and extravagant ex- 
penses, and so extraordinary conflicts, might have 
been spared, which in a not long lapse of time, may, 
perhaps, result in the disappearance of the immortal 
flag of Castilla; how easily the military situation, 
originated by the insurrection, a situation that was 
threatening to make of Filipinas another Cuba, might 
have been avoided; and with how little trouble the 
archipelago might have been continuing at present 
in the same tranquillity and peacefully progressive 
situation as it had years ago : if having the power, as 
was a fact, but that was not attempted or thought of, 
the door had been shut on the disturbers; if masonry 
had never been allowed in the country ; and if every 
tendency contrary to the moral prestige, the most pow- 
erful social bond, immensely superior to all armies 
and all political institutions which united these coun- 
tries with their beloved and respected mother-coun- 
try, had been effectively restrained in their begin- 

Has the present most gloomy situation any rem- 

It is somewhat difficult, and even dangerous, to 
answer the question, for if the Katipunan was six 
months ago relegated to the hills of Laguna and Bula- 
can among the rebel leaders who were fugitive there, 
or was dragging out a shameful existence in certain 
villages that were in communication with the in- 
surgents, today the plague has spread. For the ones 
pardoned at Biac-na-bato, breaking the promise 
given to the gallant and energetic marquis de Estel- 
la,^" obedient to the watchword received, have spread 
through the central provinces; and by using threats 

^^^ This was Governor Fernando Primo de Rivera y Sobre- 


and terrible punishments, which have no precedents 
in the pages of history, nor even of the novel, have 
succeeded in attracting to their ranks a great number 
of Indians, even in villages which gave eloquent proof 
of loyalty to the holy cause of the Spanish fatherland 
before the submission of Biac-na-bato. They have 
also succeeded in establishing themselves in Capiz 
and in other points of the Visayas: and indeed the 
movement of Zambales, of Pangasinan, of Ilocos, of 
Cebii, and of the Katipunans, are at present open in 

The thought of what may happen to this beautiful 
country at any moment terrifies us, for we do not 
know to what point sectarian fanaticism may go, ex- 
ploiting the suggestibility of this race and their weak 
brain by the deeds that they are heralding, brought to 
a head by them, in regard to the army, whose increase 
in the proportion that would be necessary to estab- 
lish a complete military situation, they know to be 
impossible; by the published exemption from the 
cedula^^^ and other tributes; by the supposed im- 
munity of amulets, called anting-anting ; by the il- 
lusion that none but Indians will hold office, and that 
the alcaldes and generals will be from their ranks; 
by the remembrance that money and confidence were 
given to the rebels of Cavite, Bulacan, and other 
points ; by the news that their partisans were sending 
them from Madrid and Hong-kong; by the example 
of goodly numbers of peninsulars, who are not on 
their guard against showing their hostility to the re- 

monte, who wrote a Memorial on his record in the Philippines, 
which was published at Madrid in 1898. 

^^^ A required paper of identification carried by the natives, and 
for which they were taxed. 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 259 

ligious, in order by that manner to procure the lat- 
ter's disregard by their parishioners, who even dare 
to lay hands on them; and by innumerable other 
methods, too many, in short, to enumerate, but ter- 
ribly destructive, and of maddening and vigorous in- 
fluence in these Malayan villages. 

The thought of what consist the secrets of the revo- 
lution, which the learned gentleman, appointed as 
arbitrator ^^^ by the so-called government of the in- 
surgents to arrange with the superior authority of 
the islands as to the conditions of submission and the 
surrender of arms, swore to keep secret, as appears 
from the justificative document of his authorization, 
is also terrifying. We are ignorant of what those 
secrets may be, which apparently are not the politico- 
ecclesiastical reforms which are now demanded in 
Madrid, since those matters are mentioned openly in 
the abovesaid document signed by Aguinaldo in the 
name of the rebel assembly; and the most courageous 
heart is terrified at the fancy that there might be 
an organization more powerful, more far-reaching, 
more general and active of revolution, somewhat like 
the Katipunan, which we now see to be rapidly 
spreading, and which at a moment's notice, would 
eflFect a general rising, whose most saddening results 
one can easily foresee, and avoid with the greatest 
difficulty, unless every labor association be effectually 
prosecuted and extirpated in time. 

Remedy for that situation. Laying aside for the 
meanwhile those dangers, which are daily obscuring 
the Filipino horizon more deeply, and supposing, as 
we desire, that peace may be obtained throughout 
the islands, the situation of the archipelago has a 

^^^ This was Pedro Alejandro Paterno. 


remedy, and one, as is clear, that consists in remov- 
ing ail the causes that have produced so deep a 
confusion and in prudently and with justice adopt- 
ing the measures that, assuring peace, w^ill protect 
and encourage the legitimate interests of these inhab- 
itants. The great mass of the country is not cor- 
rupted. It suffers from an access of hallucination 
and fanaticism produced by sectarian preachings and 
practices, but its heart and head are not perverted. 
If it be attended vs^ith care, it will return to its former 
pacific habits and submission. The wealthy and in- 
telligent classes, still healthy, protest against all those 
movements, and since they are loyal and friendly to 
us, desire the normal mean to be reestablished as 
soon as possible, and will contribute, together with 
the institutions of the mother-country, to the most 
glorious undertaking of restoring order and the pa- 
cific and progressive trend of the archipelago. 

It pertains to the government to direct and manage 
those forces in order to obtain so satisfactory an end, 
by reestablishing the mainsprings of government, 
now so nearly disappeared or very much weakened; 
by giving prestige to all the conservative elements; 
and with an administration, graive, intelligent, 
active, stable, moral, acquainted with, and fond 
of the country, and one dissociated with every po- 
litical doctrine, to continue and perfect the just and 
benevolent, and Catholic and Spanish regimen: 
whereby the mother-country would gain the sympa- 
thies of these inhabitants and establish its dominion 

This is strange material for the peculiar objects 
and character of this exposition, which has no other 
purpose than to defend the honor of the religious 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 26 1 

institutes and demonstrate the necessity of support- 
ing and invigorating their ministry, if they are to 
continue their noble and patriotic mission in the 
archipelago. We do not intend to mix in politics, 
however much we may have as much or more right 
than any society or individual to speak of these 
things. But indeed we must be the defenders of 
the rights of the Church, and of the regular clergy. 
We are indeed under obligations to watch over Span- 
ish interests, which are not at variance with, but 
perfectly amalgamated with religious interests. 

What the orders need and claim. As religious 
then, and as Spaniards, we address the government, 
and without circumlocutions or subterfuge (for these 
are not the times for paraphrases and euphuisms 
which cloak the truth), we believe that we can tell 
the government that if the interests of Spanish dom- 
ination in the archipelago have incurred and are 
incurring so serious danger of shipwreck, it is be- 
cause they have rather been, and are, profoundly 
combative of the interests of religion; and that if 
the revolutionists have succeeded in making them- 
selves heard by a multitude of natives, it is because 
they have been taught, before and during the ingrate 
rebellion, to despise and even to persecute the re- 
ligious who taught them a doctrine of peace and 
obedience. He who does not see this, suffers great 
blindness, or it is an obvious sign that he is infected 
with the terrible evil that has brought so dire conse- 
quences to Filipinas. He who closes his ears to the 
lessons of Providence -sorrowful, but indeed health- 
ful lessons -and believes that it is possible to restore 
order here and establish a prosperous and tranquil 
progress without strengthening religious influences. 


is not far from the separatist camp, or shows that 
he is unable to learn from great social catastrophes. 

It is not sufficient for that purpose to recognize 
the need of morality and of religion. One must 
recognize them in all their integrity and purity, such 
as our holy Mother, the Church, makes them known. 
It is not sufficient to talk to the people of the great 
doctrines of the Crucified, and instruct them not to 
attempt to attack the legitimate interests of Catholi- 
cism-vagaries that so very often cover mischievous 
and Pharisaical intentions, in order afterward, under 
pretext of abuses, to tell them by word and deed, not 
to listen to the priests who preach those doctrines to 
them and inculcate in them respect for those inter- 
ests. If one would attempt to effectively establish 
the peace of the archipelago upon a firm base, he 
must support in toto and in solido the mission of the 
religious corporations, so that they may be fruitful 
in the proportion that these inhabitants demand, who 
are still affectionate to the faith and to civilization, 
and so that the natives may be strengthened in the 
solid conviction that they are obliged to obey and 
respect Espana, their true fatherland in the social 
and civic order, by bonds of conscience and not by 
human considerations which are always unstable and 

Consequently, we regulars who have more than 
sufficient reasons to recognize to their full extent 
the evils that affect the archipelago, so beloved by 
us, and who have been for some time experiencing 
the fact that, far from religious action being 
strengthened, it is restricted and opposed in various 
ways, do not waver in telling the government with 
blunt frankness that, if it do not consent to give that 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 263 

support, daily more necessary, to the Church, the 
social disturbance of the country will continue to in- 
crease daily, and that by not applying any remedy 
to that evil, the stay here of the religious is becom- 
ing morally impossible. 

Of what use is it for us to force ourselves to fulfil 
our religio-patriotic duties, if others take it upon 
themselves to destroy that labor on the instant; if 
they, by methods that flatter evil passions so greatly, 
gain the favor of the same people whom we have 
taught to be docile and submissive, by saying to them 
continually that they should pay no attention to us? 
Would it suffice, peradventure, to preach respect to 
property, if, at the same time, there were no laws 
that protected it and public force that effectively re- 
strained those covetous of another? Would any pro- 
fessor be assured of the effects of his teaching, whose 
pupils were to be told by respectable persons or 
through vexatious methods, as they left the lecture 
room, to forget or despise the lessons of their mas- 
ters? Then in like case do we find ourselves in 

We do not want, your Excellency, temporal hon- 
ors or dignities, which we have renounced by choos- 
ing for our profession a life hidden in Jesus Christ. 
We do not belong to those who, in whatever they do, 
think immediately, even when deserving them, of 
recompenses and decorations. We do not desire, as 
our enemies believe (who judge us, perhaps, from 
themselves), to preponderate in the civil govern- 
ment and administration of the villages, nor even at 
least to continue our slight official intervention as- 
signed to us in certain secular matters by law and 
tradition. If one desires to strip the parish priest 


or the missionary of all administrative, guberna- 
torial, and economic functions, in which, without us 
ever claiming it, yea, ever, the secular authority 
has come to solicit our modest cooperation, let it be 
done at a seasonable time. Those who adopt such an 
inclination will see what is most advisable for the 
exalted interests of the fatherland; but from them 
and not from us, who have ever (even enduring be- 
cause of that intervention, annoyances, censures, and 
persecutions, and considering it a true burden) been 
docile auxiliaries of the civil authority, will be de- 
manded the responsibility of the consequences that 
may be occasioned by so far-reaching a measure. 

We have come to the islands to preach and to pre- 
serve the Christian faith, and to instruct these na- 
tives with the celestial food of the sacraments and 
the maxims of the gospel ; to prove that the principal 
intent of Espaiia, on incorporating this territory with 
its crown, was to christianize and civilize the natives. 
We have not come to become alcaldes, governors, 
judges, military men, agriculturists, tradesmen, or 
merchants ; although the concord and fast union that 
should prevail between the Church and State be 
granted, and the fact that we constitute here the only 
social Spanish institution, never have we refused to 
contribute with our might as good patriots and sub- 
missive vassals to whatever has been demanded of 
us, and which we have been able to perform, without 
dishonor to our priestly and religious character. 

What they as Catholic institutions contradict. All 
who have written upon Filipinas consider the benefit 
that the country, and very chiefly the Spanish do- 
minion, has obtained, from that system in which the 
parish priest and the missionary were the intermedi- 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 265 

ary, more or less direct, between the public authori- 
ties and the mass of the Filipino population. It does 
not belong to us to demonstrate that, for well does 
the history of this archipelago show it, and it is 
being told in eloquent, although tragic voices by the 
present fact, with the deplorable consequences that 
Espana is feeling, and to which it has been guided 
by a senseless and suicidal propaganda against the 
religious orders. What we have to say at present 
is, that if the civil authority be not most diligently 
attentive to the maintenance, encouragement, and 
guaranty of religion and morality in the islands, as 
it must be through its solemn promise contracted be- 
fore the supreme pontiffs and before Christian 
Europe, in accordance with the teachings and pre- 
cepts of our most holy Mother, the Church; if it 
do not oppose a strong wall to the avalanche of in- 
sults, taunts, and systematic opposition to the re- 
ligious of Filipinas, which is coming down upon the 
peninsula and the archipelago; if it do not prose- 
cute the secret societies with the firmness of a fore- 
seeing government; if it do not cause us to be 
respected and held as our quality as priests and Span- 
ish corporations demand, in public and in private, 
in all the spheres of the social order, in whatever 
concerns Espana and its agents, repelling every 
project that in one way or another attempts to re- 
move our prestige and to lessen our reputation, 
hindering the fruit of our labors: there is no suit- 
able and meritorious way- and we say it with pro- 
foundest grief -in which we can continue in the 

We cannot be less, your Excellency, in our order, 
than military men, to whom their profession is an 


honor and exaltation, as well as an exaction ; less than 
the class of administrative functionaries whose rights 
and prerogatives are defended and guaranteed by the 
State; less than the mercantile and industrial com- 
panies and undertakings, who are considered and 
protected as impelling elements of public wealth; 
less than legal, medicinal, and other professional- 
scientific, artistic, or mechanical ~ associations, 
which are honored and respected in every well- 
organized society. We believe, and this belief is 
not at all exaggerated, that, as Catholic institutions, 
we have a right to all the honors, exemptions, and 
privileges, that the Christian Church and State, and 
the laws -in accordance with which the religious 
orders were established in Filipinas- extend to ec- 
clesiastical persons and corporations, and especially 
to the regulars ; and that as Spanish institutions, we 
ought to have the same consideration as the other 
entities that have arisen and exist under the protec- 
tion of the flag of the fatherland. 

As Catholic institutions, we must, with all the 
energy of our soul, repel, as contrary to the impre- 
scriptible and supreme laws of the true and the good, 
and to the original laws of the Church, freedom of 
worship, and the other fatal and false liberties that 
are the offspring of the thought, of the press, and of 
association, which certain men are trying to bring 
to this archipelago, and which conflict with the 
most rudimentary duties of the patronage that 
Espana exercises here, as is clearly set forth in vari- 
ous places in the Recopilacion de Indias, In like 
manner do we repel, inasmuch as it contradicts the 
rights of the Church, the pretended secularization 
of education, in accordance with what we are taught 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 267 

in propositions 45, 47, and 48,^^^ of the Syllabus^ and 
which are obligatory on all Catholics, and very espe- 
cially on Christian princes and governments. Con- 
trary to those rights, and entirely abusive and 
tyrannical, would be every measure that the secular 
power might try to adopt in regard to the religious 
orders of the archipelago: whether in meddling 
with their regular regimen and discipline ; whether 
in secularizing them; whether in disentailing their 
property, or fettering their free disposition of the 
same; whether in freeing their members from their 
obedience; whether in depriving them of the honors 
or privileges which they possess according to the 
canons, the laws of the Indias, and Christian com- 
mon law, as is expressed in proposition 53 of the 
above-mentioned Syllabus.^^^ Every law that at- 

^^® These three sections are as follows : 

45. The entire direction of public schools, in which the youth 
of Christian states are educated, except (to a certain extent) in 
the case of episcopal seminaries, may and must pertain to the civil 
power, and belong to it so far that no other authority whatsoever 
shall be recognized as having any right to interfere in the dis- 
cipline of the schools, the arrangement of the studies, the taking 
of degrees or the choice and approval of the teachers. 

47. The best theory of civil society requires that popular 
schools open to the children of all classes, and, generally, all pub- 
lic institutes intended for instruction in letters and philosophy, and 
for conducting the education of the young, should be freed from 
all ecclesiastical authority, government, and interference, and 
should be fully subject to the civil and political power, in conform- 
ity with the will of rulers and the prevalent opinions of the age. 

48. This system of instructing youth, which consists in sepa- 
rating it from the Catholic faith and from the power of the 
Church, and in teaching exclusively, or at least primarily, the 
knowledge of natural things and the earthly ends of social life 
alone, may be approved by Catholics. 

It must be understood that Pius IX condemns these three sec- 
tions as the entire eighty of the Syllabus as errors or heresies. 
(See Schaff^s Creeds of Christendom, II, pp. 224, 225.) 

^^^ This section or error Is as follows : 

53. The laws for the protection of religious establishments, and 


tempts to suppress, diminish, or weaken the sacred 
laws of personal, royal, or local ecclesiastical im- 
munity is contrary to the sacred rules of the Church. 
Also contrary to the Church, and smacking of the 
heresies of Wickliffe and Luther, is every ordinance 
that denies the clergy the right to the stipends and 
fees that are due them from their holy ministry, and 
that tries to meddle with matters of parochial fees, 
a thing that is peculiar to the ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion. It is contrary to the honor and sanctity of the 
religious estate to suppose it incapable of exercising 
the care of souls, and to say that, in governing the 
parishes, we violated the canons, when in exact ac- 
cordance with them, we christianized this country, 
and since have continued to minister it. It is vexa- 
tious to the regular clergy, and opposed to the rights 
legitimately acquired, for the civil authority to at- 
tempt to despoil the religious corporations of the 
ministries and missions founded and ruled by them, 
under the protection of the Leyes de Indias and the 
sovereign ordinances of the apostolic see. Incom- 
patible with the vow of obedience that binds every 
religious, is the complete subjection of the individ- 
uals of the regular clergy who discharge the care of 
souls to the authority of the diocesan, depriving his 
prelate of the attributes that he possesses over his 
subjects; and the bishop cannot be allowed, to the 
loss or detriment of the rights of the regular superior 

securing their rights and duties, ought to be abolished: nay, more, 
the civil government may lend its assistance to all who desire to 
quit the religious life they have undertaken, and break their vows. 
The government may also suppress religious orders, collegiate 
churches, and simple benefices, even those belonging to private pat- 
ronage, and submit their goods and revenues to the administration 
and disposal of the civil power. (See Schaff's Creeds of Christen- 
dom, ii, pp. 226, 227.) 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1898 269 

to suppress the regular curacies at his pleasure, since 
the ministries depend immediately on the corpora- 
tion which appoints those religious who are to fulfil 
the duties of them. 

The need of keeping intact the authority of the 
regular prelate over his curas and missionaries. No 
one is ignorant that the religious corporations of the 
archipelago are communities composed in their vast 
majority of parish priests and missionaries. If that 
be so, and it must be so, in order that the orders 
fulfil the peculiar end for which they came to Fili- 
pinas, how could the jurisdiction of the regular 
prelate be maintained, if the attributes that he has 
received from the holy see, the only immediate 
authority to which the regulars are subject, for the 
government of his subjects, of whatever class they 
be, be lessened? By pontifical laws, the religious 
assigned to the doctrinas and missions are considered 
absolutely as viventes intra claustra^ which signifies 
that they are governed by their peculiar superiors, 
rights, and attributes, which are binding on every 
subject strictly conventual. If it were not so, the 
individual life would be established to a greater or 
less extent in the orders; their communal bonds 
would disappear; the regular prelates would be- 
come mere figureheads; and the religious corpora- 
tions, losing the internal discipline that gives them 
so much vigor and strength, would be converted into 
associations of priests [presbiteros^^ who although 
they pronounced religious vows one day, would 
afterwards have no other bonds with their superiors 
than the corporative habit and name, and too, per- 
chance, the possession of the open door in order to 
take refuge in the convent whence they went out, 
whenever they so desired or the bishop ordered it. 


The action of the regular prelate over the curas 
and missionaries of his order must be so active, im- 
mediate, energetic, and universal, that he can change, 
remove, or transfer them, or give them another oc- 
cupation and appointment, and his authority over 
them must remain in everything as pov^erful as if 
it v^ere a question of the last one of the conventual 
religious. That is required by the regular disci- 
pline; that is demanded by the vow of obedience. 
In proportion as the attempt is made with the in- 
dividual to restrict or weaken the jurisdiction of the 
order, it is equivalent to jesting at the intention of 
us religious, who do not profess to be subjects of the 
bishop, but only to occupy ourselves in the business 
of religion which our prelates assign us; it is equiv- 
alent to disnaturalizing the religious corporations, 
and consequently, to destroying them, the very thing 
that the separatists are attempting. 

Such a thing will not happen, we are sure; for 
the moment that a law freeing the parish priests 
and missionaries from subordination to their prelate, 
or lessening or restricting the latter's power, is dic- 
tated, no religious, by bonds of conscience, would 
dare to continue at the head of his parish or mission, 
and all would retire to their convents at Manila. 
Such a thing will not happen, for the bishops them- 
selves would be energetically opposed to it, and 
would confess, as they do, that precisely because the 
vast majority of their parish clergy are regulars, 
their clergy live so morally and apply themselves so 
assiduously to their ministry, and that scarcely would 
they find that in secular priests Ipresbiterosl or in 
regulars not fully subject to their order, and that 
they are consequently interested, through love of 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 2/1 

their flock, in having the parish ministries of the 
archipelago continue to be ruled by the same laws 
as hitherto. And such a thing will not happen, we 
say, because the holy see, jealous guardian of the 
interests of Christianity in the islands, not less than 
of the prestige of the regulars, will not permit it; 
while, at the last, the government would be placed 
in the dilemma, namely, that either a suitable and 
sufficient personnel be proposed to it, which might 
replace the religious corporations of Filipinas in a 
stable and worthy manner, or, on the contrary, that 
the latter continue discharging their actual duties, 
without the least diminution of the jurisdiction of 
their respective regular prelates. 

Espanafs obligation to send ministers of the Cath- 
olic religion to these islands and to solidly guaranty 
that religion. Such a thing will not happen finally, 
for the government of the country can never forget 
(regarding this point and the others with which the 
present exposition is concerned) the will of Isabel 
the Catholic, the fundamental and capital law of 
these dominions, by which the government is obliged 
to send here prelates and religious and other learned 
and austere persons of God, in order to instruct their 
inhabitants in the Catholic faith, and to instruct and 
teach them good morals ; for nothing must be desired 
ahead of the publication and extension of the evan- 
gelical law, and the conversion and conservation of 
the Indians in the holy Catholic faith. "Inasmuch 
as we are directing our thought and care to this as 
our chief aim, we order, and to the extent we may, 
charge the members of our Council of Indias that 
laying aside every other consideration of our profit 
and interest, they hold especially in mind the mat- 


ters of the conversion and instruction, and above all 
that they be watchful and occupy themselves 
with all their might and understanding in providing 
and appointing ministers sufficient for it, and take 
all the other measures necessary so that the Indians 
and natives may be converted and conserved in the 
knowledge of God our Lord, the honor and praise 
of his holy name, so that, we fulfilling this duty 
which so tightly binds us and which we so desire 
to satisfy, the members of the said Council may 
discharge their consciences, since we have discharged 
ours with them." (Law i, tit. i, book ii and law viii, 
tit. ii, book ii of Recopilacion de Indias.) 

The Council of Ministers together with the min- 
istry of the colonies"^ has been substituted for the 
Council of Indias, of whose devotion and zeal in 
fulfilling the fundamental duties of their trust, we 
cannot harbor the least doubt. 

Very expressive also to the question in hand is 
law Ixv, tit. xiv, book i of the same Recopilacion. 
**We order the viceroys, presidents, auditors, gov- 
ernors, and other justices of the Indias, to give all 
the protection necessary for that service to the re- 
ligious of the orders resident in those provinces and 
occupied in the conversion and instruction of the 
natives, to our entire satisfaction, by which God has 
been, and is, served, and the natives much benefited, 
and to honor them greatly, and encourage them to 
continue, and do the same, and more, if possible, as 
we expect from their persons and goodness." 

Words of the instructions to Legaspi; of the laws 
of Partidasf^^ of Felipe II. Thus was it com- 

^22 See VOL. LI, pp. 146, 147, note 103 ; and ante, pp. 83, 84, 
note 33. 

223 'pj^g Codigo de las siete partidas, so called because divided 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1898 273 

manded scores of times to the authorities of these 
islands, and in harmony with that legislation, in the 
instructions to the great Legaspi, it is expressly- 
stated : 

"You shall have special care in all the negotia- 
tions that you shall have with the natives of those 
districts to have with you some of the religious, both 
in order to make use of their good counsel, and so 
that the natives may recognize and understand the 
great consideration in which you hold them; for see- 
ing that and the great reverence given them by the 
soldiers, they will also come to respect them. That 
will be very important, so that, when the religious 
impart to them the matters pertaining to our holy 
Catholic faith, they may give them full credit ; since 
you know that his Majesty's chiefest end is the sal- 
vation of the souls of those infidels. For that purpose, 
in whatever district, you shall take particular care 
to aid the said religious . . so that, having 
learned the language, they may labor to bring the 
natives to the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith, 
convert them to it, and reduce them to the obedience 
and friendship of his Majesty." {Colec. de Doc. 
Ined. de Ultramar^ ii, p. 188.)"* 

That is the genuinely Spanish spirit, the glory of 
the human race, and especially of Christianity, 
which caused our legislators to write in the Partidas 
{Partida i, tit. vi, law Ixii, and tit. xi) : "Laymen 
must honor and regard the clergy greatly, each one 
according to his rank and his dignity: firstly, be- 

into seven parts, were compiled by Alfonso the Wise, the work of 
compilation beginning June 23, 1256, and being concluded prob- 
ably in 1265. See Die, encic. Hisp.-Jmer.y xiv, pp. 982, 983. 

^^* See Synopsis and extracts of the instructions given to 
Legazpi in our vol. ii, pp. 89-100. 


cause they are mediators between God and them; 
secondly, because by honoring them, they honor 
Holy Church, whose servants they are, and honor 
the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is their head, 
for they are called Christians. And this honor and 
this regard must be shown in three ways; in speech; 
in deed; and in counsel." ^*The churches of the 
emperors, kings, and other seigniors of the countries, 
have great privileges and liberties; and these were 
very rightfully [given them], for the things of God 
should have greater honor than those of men." 

That is the spirit that was expressed by the mouth 
of Felipe II when he answered those who proposed 
to him the abandonment of these islands, in con- 
sideration of the few resources that the public treas- 
ury derived from them : " For the conversion of only 
one soul of those there, I would give all the treasures 
of the Indias, and were they not sufficient I would 
give most willingly whatever Espaiia yields. Under 
no consideration shall I abandon or discontinue to 
send preachers and ministers to give the light of the 
holy gospel to all and whatever provinces may be 
discovered, however poor, rude, and barren they 
may be, for the holy apostolic see has given to us 
and to our heirs the duty possessed by the apostles of 
publishing and preaching the gospel, which must be 
spread there and into an infinite number of king- 
doms, taking them from the power of devils and 
giving them to know the true God, without any hope 
of temporal blessings." 

Duties of the government and of others in regard 
to religious interests in the islands. Consequently, 
those offenses that should be most prosecuted in Fi- 
lipinas, and against which the government should 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 275 

prove especially active, are offenses against religion 
and against ecclesiastical persons, as such offenses 
are those which wound the greatest social welfare, 
and are most directly opposed to the fundamental 
obligation that Espana contracted on incorporating 
these islands with its crown. Hence, masonry, an 
anti-Catholic and anti-national society, ought not to 
be permitted, but punished severely; every propa- 
ganda against the dogmas, precepts, and institutions 
of our holy Mother, the Church, ought to be pro- 
scribed; outrages against the clergy and religious 
ought to be punished with greater rigor than when 
committed against any other class of persons, giving 
such outrages the character of sacrilege, which they 
positively possess ; all, from the governor-general to 
the lowest dependent of the State, ought to exert 
themselves to demonstrate by their word and ex- 
ample, in public and in private, and without those 
conventional exteriorities of pure social form (a 
Catholicism that becomes naught but mere observ- 
ance and courtesy, and which, unfortunately, 
abounds so widely), that they love and respect the 
Catholic religion, and that they esteem more the 
duties toward God and toward His holy Church that 
proceed from it, than any other duty and obligation, 
however exalted and respectable may be the institu- 
tion that imposes it. 

Hence the government of the nation and exalted 
authorities must be the first who ought to destroy, 
not only in their official, but in their private acts, 
and as politicians, authors, government employes, 
military men, in the different orders of social life, 
the ridiculous and contemptuous idea that free 
thought has sown against priests and religious, per- 


mitting themselves to talk of them in a tone that 
honors the clergy so little, and which when known 
by the elements of other inferior social classes, 
cause respect to the Catholic priest to become weak- 
ened daily, many judging that the religion of offi- 
cials is frequently nothing more than a social hypoc- 
risy and a practice of pure political convenience. 
Hence the government ought to very carefully see 
that all its personnel in the archipelago be sincere 
and earnest Catholics, in order that the sad spectacle 
may not be again seen, that we have so often and so 
prodigally witnessed, by which the chief ones, in 
opposing the apostolic labor of the religious cor- 
porations, are the very ones, who, inasmuch as they 
are functionaries of a Catholic state, ought to be 
those who support and strengthen it the most. Hence 
every association, assembly, or undertaking which 
is trying to sow here anti-religious or anti-clerical 
ideas, under any color or pretext, even the exercise 
of political rights, ought to be prevented at all 
hazards from having any representation or branch 
in these islands; and the previous censorship over 
every kind of book, pamphlet, and engraving that 
comes from outside, and over those which shall be 
published here, should be restored, or better said, 
strengthened. Hence, the close union of all the 
peninsular element here resident becomes more 
necessary, so that, all united for the protection of 
our divine religion, by all respected and obeyed, we 
may resist the enemies of the fatherland with greater 
force ; may not by our discords give the rebel camp 
opportunity to gain strength; and as far as possible, 
may succeed in elevating the moral prestige, today, 
unfortunately fallen so low. Hence, likewise, is the 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 '2.J'] 

great necessity of the disappearance iw gubernatorial 
circles of an erroneous idea, most fatal and ex- 
tremely disrespectful to the orders, which, propa- 
gated by sectarian spirits or by bad or lukewarm 
Catholics, seems now to be a postulate of many pol- 
iticians in Madrid, and of the majority of penin- 
sulars who come to this archipelago. 

Infamous idea in regard to the importance of the 
orders and the manner in which they are generally 
regarded. We refer to the idea which began to 
spread after the revolution of '68, which looks upon 
the religious of Filipinas as an evil necessity, as an 
archaic institution, with which differences must be 
composed for reasons of state; as a purely political 
resource, and a convenience to the nation, which 
cannot be substituted with others. That infamous 
idea, manifested at times frankly, and at times with 
reticence or with insinuations that cut more deeply 
than a knife, is known by our declared enemies. It 
is known by the natives of the country who have 
been in the Peninsula. It is known, because it has 
been propagated in newspapers and other products 
of the press that have penetrated the archipelago, 
by a vast number of natives, who, with having left 
Filipinas, are notably offended by it. All the penin- 
sulars who make war on us, whether by anti-reli- 
gious prejudices, by doctrinal compromise, by per- 
sonal resentment, by flippancy, or by envy (for 
among all those classes do we have enemies) help to 
spread and propagate that idea throughout the is- 

From that idea many deduce the opinion that we 
are dragging out in this country an existence of pure 
compassion and condescension; that we are living 


here, tolerated and as if on alms, instead of honored 
and respected as any other institution of the mother- 
country; that in many ways, one would believe that 
we religious are less and have less value than the 
military, than the government employes, or than 
those of other professions and careers; and that with 
wonderful facility one imputes to us, as to the most 
abandoned and destitute, the blame for all the evils 
that afflict the country, governors and other repre- 
sentatives of the government and administration of 
the islands availing themselves of our name of 
obliged appeal, in order to evade and shun responsi- 
bilities, whenever any calamity comes upon them or 
whenever there is any unpleasant event to bewail in 
their conduct. For all, there is indulgence, for all, 
excuse, for all kindness and the eyes of charity. The 
epoch is one of adjustment and respect for all man- 
ner of extensions, although with the loss of morality 
and justice. Only in what concerns priests and re- 
ligious must one look with contemptuous pride, with 
extreme rigor, and with despotic exaction. The re- 
ligious has to pay it all; on him must all the blame 
be cast; to him belong the feelings of anger, the 
aversions, the censures, the expressions of contempt. 
We appear, your Excellency, to be only the anima 
vilis ^^^ of the archipelago. 

It is evident that we, as the priestly and religious 
class, and as a Spanish corporation, cannot in any 
manner consent to this humiliating position, which, as 
private persons, obliged to greater perfection than 
the generality of Christians, we endure patiently, re- 
membering the words of the apostle ^* tamquam pur- 
gamenta hujus mundi facti sumus omnium peripsema 

^^^ i.e., '^ The oflfscourlng ;'' literally *^ worthless soul." 

i84i 1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 279 

usque adhuc^^^^^ and of which we would not speak 
if the evil were restricted to one of so many annoy- 
ances annexed to our ministry ; so much the more as 
we unfortunately see that that injurious and errone- 
ous idea is greatly injuring our ministry, and is daily 
causing our influence among the people who are en- 
trusted to us to become lessened, since they are as- 
sailed strongly and tenaciously by all the disturbing 
agents that have caused the insurrection. 

Respect that they merit as religious and as Span- 
iards. The religious corporations ought to be greatly 
honored and distinguished (and it grieves us deeply, 
your Excellency, to have to speak of these things) : 
firstly, because their individual members are adorned 
with the priestly character, which is the greatest 
honor and dignity among Christians that men can 
have; secondly, because their apostolic mission has 
here propagated and preserves the splendors of Ca- 
tholicism. They are priests and they are religious: 
thus they unite the two devices that inspire the great- 
est veneration among any society, which feels some 
needs superior to the material, or those of their proud 
reason divorced from Jesus Christ. 

Not less respect do they merit in their character 
as Spanish entities. Besides being here ministers of 
the official religion, they are public ecclesiastical per- 
sons, recognized by the state. They live under its 
safeguard, as do the military and civil entities. They 
have labored, and are laboring, for the fatherland, at 
least as much as any other class of Spaniards resid- 
ing in the archipelago. And in the point of intelli- 
gence, within their respective profession and of mor- 

2^^ i.e., " We are made as the refuse of this world, the oflscour- 
ing of all even until now," the last part of i Cor., iv, 13. 


ality and private and civic virtues, they rise not only 
collectively, but individually, to so great a height as 
the class that is considered the most high and reputa- 
ble in the archipelago. 

There is one most special reason and one of extraor- 
dinary importance which demands that that re- 
spect should be sanctioned by the laws and supported 
by customs, namely, that the religious in his respect- 
ive duties, becomes, as a general rule, the only penin- 
sular, and, therefore, the only representative of the 
mother-country in the majority of the Filipino vil- 
lages. Consequently, Spanish prestige is greatly in- 
terested in that he be the object of such considerations 
and guaranties that these inhabitants far from see- 
ing, as unfortunately they have not a few times seen, 
that he is despised and humbled, be daily more forti- 
fied in the traditional idea that their cura or mission- 
ary is, at once the minister of God and the representa- 
tive of Espana, a lofty idea that has redounded, and 
redounds, so greatly to the favor of the mother-coun- 
try, and says so much in honor of all the Spanish 

We came to the archipelago through our love to 
religion and Espana, and have remained in it more 
than three centuries, ready to continue here so long as 
conscience does not dictate the contrary to us. Gross 
temporal considerations do not move us, nor senti- 
ments of pride and of mere personal dignity. In the 
fulfilment of our duties, we have striven to attain 
even sacrifice and by the grace of God, we shall con- 
tinue the sacrifice. A good proof of this is offered 
the impartial critic by the present epoch of rebellions 
and insurrections. The cura and missionaries, in 
spite of persuasions that they were putting their lives 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 28 1 

in great danger by the continual plots of the ferocious 
Katipunan, have steadfastly maintained themselves 
in their posts, foreseeing that if they abandoned their 
parishioners, a general ris)ing of the islands was 
almost certain. This procedure, if not heroic, is suf- 
ficiently near it, and has cost us many victims, snatch- 
ing away our dearest brethren from us, some treach- 
erously assassinated and others immolated by reckless 
mobs seduced by filibusters and masons. And al- 
though this sad sacrifice has seemingly not been be- 
wailed and appreciated, as perhaps it ought to be by 
the loyal sons of Espaiia, we trust that God, the com- 
passionate and generous remunerator of every good 
deed, will in His infinite mercy, receive it as a pro- 
pitiation for the evils of this unfortunate country, and 
will have rewarded the martyrs of religion and of the 

Character and objects of this exposition. May the 
nation, government, and your Excellency, pardon this 
slight extension of our sentiments of dignity, offended 
as religious and as Spaniards. This is not a memo- 
rial of merits and services, since we have never 
solicited applause or recompense, which never consti- 
tute the lever of our labors. Neither is it a pane- 
gyric, which we are not called upon to make, and 
which we do not believe is wanting, since the history 
of the religious corporations of Filipinas detaches it- 
self so patiently and cleanly in all kinds of just and 
upright progress. It contains some apologetic mat- 
ter and much of most sensible complaint because of 
the unjustifiable injuries that almost daily are re- 
ceived by us. It is the weak expression of the pro- 
found bitterness that seizes upon us at contemplating 
and viewing from anear the condition of vast dis- 


turbance in which this beautiful portion of the fa- 
therland finds itself. With the utmost respect and 
submission, laying aside absolutely whatever pro- 
ceeds from political parties and much more from pri- 
vate persons, it tells the government with Christian 
simplicity and synthetically that it should adopt and 
maintain a perfectly logical criterion with regard to 
the religious corporations of Filipinas; and that, 
therefore, if it thinks, as is just and decorous, that 
we, the religious corporations, exercise a most lofty 
and necessary mission in the archipelago, honorable 
and worthy of the greatest consideration, of its own 
accord and without utilitarian considerations and 
false reasons of state, it so manifest clearly and with 
nobility, making a beginning by giving a practical 
example of that in its laws and decrees, and in its in- 
structions to the authorities of these islands, and that 
it do not allow us to be annoyed or insulted; and so 
much the more since being weak and helpless, and 
bound as we are by religious weakness and patience, 
we have no other means of defense than our right and 
the protection of the good, and we can never appeal 
to the means of repression and influence to which we 
allude in the beginning of this expository statement. 
But if the government, on the contrary, by an error 
that we would respect, not without qualifying it, in 
our humble judgment, as most fatal to the interests 
of religion and the fatherland, should believe that the 
religious have terminated their traditional mission 
here, let it also have the frankness to say so. We 
shall listen to its resolution calmly. But let it not 
imagine, in adopting measures which, attaching, al- 
though without claiming it, the privileges of the 
Church, our profession as priests and regulars, and 
our honor as refined Spaniards, that in practice it 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 283 

might appear that it was trying to burn one candle 
to Christ and another to Belial, that it was trying 
to please masons and Catholics, good patriots and 
separatists, by placing the orders in a so graceless 
situation that they might become like the mouthful 
that was thrown into the jaws of the wild beast in 
order to silence its roars for the time being. 

Synthesis of the same. Such would happen if the 
secularization of the regular ministries ; the secular- 
ization of education; the disamortization of the 
property of the corporations, or the expression of 
the liberty that belongs to them to enjoy and dispose 
of them; the declaration of the tolerance of wor- 
ship ; the establishment of civil marriage ; the per- 
mission of every kind of association ; and the liberty 
of the press became law. Such would happen, in 
what more directly concerns us, if the government 
continuing here and there its campaign against us, 
unjustifiable from every point of view, were to show 
by its acts that it actually conceives that we have 
been the cause of the insurrection, and that we are 
opposed to the progress of these islands, and to the 
unfolding of their legitimate aspirations. Such 
would happen, if the government, failing to rigor- 
ously prosecute secret societies, and to effectively 
correct the seditious ones who are exciting the 
ignorant masses of the people against the regulars 
and against all that is most holy and Spanish in the 
islands, should desire the religious to continue in 
their ministries, liable at any moment to be sacri- 
ficed, as is the terrible watchword of the sect, and 
which has already unfortunately occurred, without, 
perhaps, their having even the consolation that those 
sacrifices are appreciated. 

If we religious are to continue to be of use in 


the islands to religion and Espana, no one can have 
any doubt that it must be by thoroughly guaranty- 
ing our persons, our prestige, and our ministry; it 
must be by knowing that the fatherland appreciates 
and treats us as its sons, and that it must not abandon 
us as an object of derision to our enemies, and as 
victims to the rancor of masonry and separatism. 
Martyrdom does not terrify us, but only honors us, 
although we do not consider ourselves worthy of so 
holy an honor: but we do not desire to die as if 
criminals, enveloped with the censures of friends and 
enemies, and perhaps, abandoned and despised by 
those who ought to protect and esteem us. 

That is the extremely gloomy and graceless situa- 
tion in which the orders find themselves, especially 
since the beginning of the Tagalog insurrection, and 
above all, since the extension of the Katipunan, a 
situation that threatens to become worse, if the gov- 
ernment becomes the echo of the filibusters, of 
the masons, of the radical elements, which, it seems, 
have conspired together to give the finishing stroke 
to the great social-religious edifice, raised in these 
islands by Catholic Espana. 

By that no one should be surprised that we re- 
ligious, placed in so imminent a peril, desirous of 
not offering abstracts to the policy of any govern- 
ment, and of avoiding the censure that we are the 
cause of the evils of the country and the bar to its 
progress, should choose the abandonment of our 
ministries, exile, and expatriation, in preference to 
our continuance in the islands in a situation, which, 
if prolonged for a longer time, will result as de- 
cidedly dishonoring to our class, and would make 
our permanence in the archipelago unfruitful. 

1841-1898] FRIAR MEMORIAL, 1 898 285 

We have fulfilled our duty here as good men; 
such is our firm conviction. Should we go else- 
where, there, by the grace of God, we shall also be 
able to fulfil our duty. And for that result, the holy 
see, if contrary to all our just expectations, it cannot 
succeed in making itself heard by the Spanish na- 
tion, will not deny us the opportune permission. 

Fortunately, we have trust in the noble sentiments 
and deeply-rooted Catholicism of her Majesty, the 
queen regent; we trust in the devotion and patriot- 
ism of the ministers of the crown; we trust in the 
sensible opinion shared by the majority of the Span- 
ish people ; we trust in the intelligence and spirit of 
justice of the Catholic minister of the colonies; and 
we trust that, after listening to the most dignified 
prelates of these islands, and after taking into con- 
sideration the prescriptions of natural and canonical 
law, the exalted advantages of the fatherland in these 
regions, and the undeniable services that the reli- 
gious orders in Filipinas have contributed, no reso- 
lution contrary to the teachings and precepts of 
our holy Mother, the Church, will be adopted, and 
which is contrary to the prestige of the regular 
clergy, but that, on the contrary, the Catholic insti- 
tutions of this archipelago will be once more af- 
firmed and strengthened, as is imposed by both re- 
ligion and the fatherland. 

In this confidence, and reiterating our traditional 
adhesion to the throne, and to its institutions, we 
conclude, praying God for the prosperity and new 
progress of the monarchy, for the health of his 
Majesty, the king, and of her Majesty, the queen 
regent (whom may God preserve), and for pru- 
dence of the Cortes and the government in their reso- 


lutions, and very especially for your Excellency, 
whose life may God preserve many years.^^^ 

Manila, April 21, 1898. Your Excellency. 

Fray Manuel Gutierrez, provincial of the Au- 

Fray Gilberto Martin, commissary-provincial 
of the Franciscans. 

Fray Francisco Ayarra, provincial of the Rec- 

Fray Candido Garcia Valles, vice-provincial of 
the Dominicans. 

PlO Pi, S.J., superior of the mission of the Society 
of Jesus. 

Notice, Because of the impossibility, due to the 
length of this exposition, of drawing up the copies 
necessary for the archives of each corporation, it 
has been agreed by the respective superiors, to print 
an edition of fifty copies, ten for each corporation, 
which are destined for the purpose stated above. 

Collated faithfully with its original, and to be 
considered throughout as an authentic text. In af- 
firmation of which, as secretary of my corporation 
and by the order of my prelate, I sign and seal the 
present copy in Manila, April 21, 1898. 
Fray Francisco Sadaba del Carmen, 

secretary-provincial of the RecoUects.^^^ 

There is a seal that says: " Provincialate of the 

227 This Memorial is most inadequately published in the Rosary 
Magazine (a Dominican periodical) for 1900, by Ambrose Col- 
man, O.P. It is translated only in part, the translation often 
being faulty and giving a wrong meaning, and translation and 
synopsis not always being sufficiently indicated. 

2^^ This "notice" does not appear in the copy printed (prob- 
ably from one of the fifty copies) at the press of Viuda de M. 
Minuesa de los Rios, Madrid. 


The documents in this volume are obtained from 
the following sources : 

1. Internal condition of Philippines -From a 
typewritten copy furnished by Epifanio de los 
Santos from the rare printed original (volume Hi of 
Mas's Informe) in his possession. 

2. Matta's report. -From an unpublished MS. 
in the possession of T. H. Pardo de Tavera, who 
furnished to the Editors a typewritten copy of it. 

3. The Philippines, 1 860-1 8q8 .-"WnXXtn espe- 
cially for this series by James A. LeRoy, Durango, 

4. Events in Filipinas,- Summariztd from vol- 
ume iii of Montero y Vidal's Historia de Filipinas. 

5. Constitution of Liga Filipina.- From a copy, 
furnished by Epifanio de los Santos, of Rizal's orig- 
inal MS. 

6. Friar memorial -From James A. LeRoy's 
copy of one of the printed originals, revised by a 
printed copy belonging to the Madrid edition. 

7. Appendix on agriculture, -Tht first section, 
from a printed copy of Basco's decree (Sampaloc, 
1784) belonging to Edward E. Ayer ; the second, 
from Jagor's Reisen (Berlin, 1873), pp. 303-306, 
from a copy in the Mercantile Library, St. Louis; 


the third, from Fernandez and Moreno's Manuel del 
viajero en Filipinas (Manila, 1875), pp. 172-178, 
from a copy belonging to the Editors. 


By Joseph Basco y Vargas (Arayat, March 20, 
1784), and others. 

Sources: The first section of this document is obtained 
from a printed copy of fiasco's decree, in the possession of 
Edward E. Ayer; the second part, from Jagor's Reiseuy pp. 
303-306; the third, from Fernandez and Moreno's Manual del 
viajero en Filipinos, pp. 172-178. 

Translations: All these are made by Emma Helen Blair. 


A decree by Basco in 17^4 
Don Joseph Basco y Vargas, Balderrama y Ri- 
vera, knight of the Order of Santiago, commander 
of a division in the royal navy, governor and cap- 
tain-general of these Filipinas Islands and president 
of their royal Audiencia and Chancilleria, com- 
mander-in-chief of the troops of his Majesty in these 
dominions, general superintendent of the royal treas- 
ury, and of the royal revenue from tobacco, and 
delegate superintendent of that from the mail serv- 
ice, etc. 

[The author begins by showing the importance, 
necessity, and advantage of agriculture to both the 
state and the individual, with illustrations drawn 
from history and observation in various countries of 
the world, and continues:] 

Since agriculture is so necessary for the subsist- 
ence of mankind, and the maintenance of kingdoms, 
it is not wonderful that it should be so cared for by 
the wise and by kings, and that the lawmakers of 
nations should have ennobled this pursuit with spe- 
cial privileges. Especially have been distinguished 
in this direction the Spanish monarchs, who, besides 
other privileges granted in favor of the farmers, 


have thought it well to decree that neither the im- 
plements for their labors, nor their lands, should be 
taken from them for any civil debt; and also they 
granted to these laborers the privilege that they 
could not be imprisoned for any civil debt in the 
season for their harvesting and field labors, author- 
izing the superior judges to grant them delay in 
such cases. But besides these so useful and valuable 
benefits the natives of Filipinas enjoy still others 
more extraordinary. For their security, besides hav- 
ing ordained that their goods shall not be seized for 
costs in lawsuits, nor shall they be punished with 
pecuniary fines, conferring upon them other favors 
of the same kind, it has been likewise commanded 
that no one may lend money to them above the sum 
of five pesos, under the penalty of losing what is 
lent them beyond that. In all these things the mon- 
archs have sought to release the farmers from many 
oppressions and injuries, and to prevent the losses 
and deficits which otherwise, for most of the vassals, 
are caused by caring for the interests and profits of 
a few individuals. But it occasions the greatest sor- 
row that in Filipinas, contrary to the pious and 
Christian intention of our kings -and especially 
that of the wise monarch, who is now prosperously 
governing us, our lord Don Carlos III (whom may 
God preserve) -Spaniards should have acted, in re- 
gard to these exemptions, without any heed or con- 
sideration for the injuries which have resulted here 
to the Indians and their agriculture, and with nota- 
ble loss of the wealth which the fertility and valu- 
able products of this country promise. 

And since this chief executive, actuated by what 
he himself has observed in this province of Pam- 


panga, in that of Bulacan, and in those of Tondo 
and Laguna de Bay (which he has visited person- 
ally) , cannot any longer permit such extortions and 
injuries as are caused, among all classes of persons, 
to the farmers and poor Indians in the said prov- 
inces, and in the other districts to which this decree 
will also be made to extend: I command that in 
future the implements of labor -such as carabaos, 
plows, hemp-combs, and other field utensils belong- 
ing to the Indians, mestizos, Creoles, Spaniards, or 
any other class of persons -shall not be seized for 
a civil debt, any more than their lands, since most 
of them have no ownership in these. Moreover, they 
shall not be arrested at the times when they must 
work in the fields, such as plowing, and gathering 
their harvests: and, at the times when they can be 
arrested, authority shall be given to the alcaldes- 
mayor so that they can grant them a respite of six 
months, without loading them with fees or other 

And, as the backward state of agriculture in Fili- 
pinas proceeds also from the fact that, notwith- 
standing there are many industrious, laborious and 
charitable persons in the villages, there are also 
many others in whom sloth and idleness reign -for 
instance, many chiefs and their sons, and the heads 
of barangay; and generally those who have exer- 
cised the office of magistrate (who, on account of 
having served in these employments, afterward re- 
fuse through a sort of vanity and pride to go back 
to field work), all these caring only to subjugate 
the common people by compelling them to work 
without pay in their fields, and trying to exempt 
themselves from the common labor, and from the 


Other burdens to which those who pay tribute are 
subject -likewise this chief executive has resolved to 
declare that such exemptions ought not to be under- 
stood for the classes of persons who are mentioned 
above, unless they possess at least eight cabalitas of 
their own land cultivated and worked by their serv- 
ants or day-laborers, expressly forbidding that they 
rent these lands to others -always provided that they 
are not prevented by age or infirmities from carry- 
ing on their farm-work in person, since in this case 
they are allowed to rent them. 

And although, in regard to the contract of casa- 
majan^^^ which they commonly practice, absolute 
prohibition ought to be made to them on account 
of the burden which ensues from it to the poor, and 
also to their own consciences, on account of the many 
usurious acts which are committed therein, [yet] 
considering, as has been already stated, that there 
will be many who, on account of age and sickness, 
cannot themselves attend to the cultivation of their 
land, this chief executive consents to grant such per- 
sons a contract of that sort, under the condition that 
whatever loan is made to the farmers by their part- 
ners, it shall be in the form of palay, and they shall 
collect it in the same ; that is, if they shall lend, for 
example, four cavans [of rice], they shall receive 
four others. And the same is ordained in regard to 
money, so that if they shall lend, for example, two 
pesos they shall receive only two pesos ; and, if they 
shall lend cloth, if it is not returned they may only 
receive its just value at the time when the bargain 
was made -under the penalty that no judge shall 
admit any claim in contravention of this ordinance, 

229 ^ Tagalog word, meaning *' that which is in partnership." 


and the complainants shall lose what they had lent 
Besides this, I have in the same manner heard of 
the unjust and vile bargains which the usurers make 
in regard to the cultivated lands, and even the trees 
which the farmers cultivate in their gardens, and 
their houses, binding them with the agreement of 
retrovendendi^^'^ as it is commonly called, exacting 
from him who is bound -sometimes for many years, 
and sometimes forever- the produce and the owner- 
ship [of those possessions], for a small amount 
which the lender has furnished. They also exact a 
premium for the money which they lend, sometimes 
in valuables, and sometimes besides these. This is 
done by a multitude of usurers who overrun the 
island, with great offense to God and injury to their 
neighbors. In order to redress such evils, which 
provoke divine justice against the islands, this chief 
executive has also resolved to ordain that in future 
such contracts shall not be made, either by writing 
or in words ; for they are null and void, and usuri- 
ous. And we forbid all the magistrates of these 
islands to give hearing to any claim arising from 
these contracts; if they contravene this order, they 
remain responsible for all losses and injuries, with 
the penalty, besides, of a fine of five hundred pesos. 
Besides this, the inhabitants of all the islands 
ought to have understood that the lands which they 
obtained are all royal \realengas\ or communal, 

2^^ Facto de retrovendendo : " A certain agreement accessory 
to the contract of purchase and sale, by which the buyer obliges 
himself to return the thing sold to the seller, the latter returning 
to the buyer the price which he gave for it, within a certain time, 
or when the seller shall require it, according to the terms in which 
the agreement is drawn up." (Diccionario of the Academy, cited 
by Dominguez.) Cf. the political use of the same phrase in the 
treaty of Zaragoza (vol. i, p. 232). 


with the exception of those which they possess 
through inheritance, or through legitimate purchase 
from the native chiefs [^caciques] who were culti- 
vating them at the time when the Catholic faith 
was established in Filipinas, and when they ren- 
dered fidelity, obedience, and vassalage to the august 
Spanish monarchs; and of those which were pur- 
chased from his Majesty with title of ownership 
from the royal Audiencia. [They should also un- 
derstand] that for this reason the royal lands cannot 
be absolutely sold or alienated, since they only enjoy 
the use and usufruct of them; consequently, those who 
fail to cultivate them for the years appointed by the 
Audiencia lose this right of use, and the magistrates 
ought to assign these lands immediately to another 
person. As for the rest of the lands, no one can ob- 
tain them except by right of purchase and agree- 
ment with the tribunal of indults and composi- 
tions ^^^ of lands, which his Majesty has established 

^^^ The word "composition" (Spanish, compoficion) as here 
used has " a technical meaning as applied to lands, and may be de- 
fined as a method by which the State enabled an individual who 
held its lands without legal title thereto to convert his mere pos- 
session into a perfect right of property by virtue of compliance 
with the requirements of law. Composition was made in the na- 
ture of a compact or compromise between the State and the indi- 
vidual who was illegally holding lands in excess of those to which 
he was legally entitled, and, by virtue of his compliance with the 
law, the State conferred on him a good title to the lands that he 
had formerly held under a mere claim of title." Under Spanish 
administration, there was great confusion and uncertainty in land- 
titles; the laws in force were too complicated and slow in opera- 
tion, and left too much power in the hands of indiiferent or mer- 
cenary officials. Some benefits were yielded by regulations for the 
composition of State lands which were in force from 1880 to 1894, 
and in the latter year more definite and positive provisions were 
made by royal decree (constituting the " public-land law " in force 
in the islands when occupied by the United States) for the settle- 
ment of uncertain land-titles; but in neither case were the results 
very satisfactory. The same may be said of the registration system 


for this purpose. In the same manner, the lands 
which they hold by this tenure, as those inherited, 
or purchased from native chiefs, they cannot sell 
without the intervention of the court of justice. For 
this reason, warning is given that in the house-lots 
of the villages also they have no more than the use 
of the land ; on this account, whenever the term of 
three years has passed without those who had for- 
merly lived on them building houses on these lots, 
it has been and is the duty of the court to assign 
these lots to other persons -without allowing or ac- 
cepting lawsuit or claim, when this neglect is evi- 
dent, either through general report or by the verbal 
deposition of witnesses who have resided there a 
long time and are conscientious ; for these house-lots 
are common property of the villages in which they 
are located, and for this reason the ownership of 
them cannot be sold, because this title does not be- 
long to those who dwell in them. In regard to this 
matter, and with observation and knowledge of the 
injuries connected with it, this chief executive (hav- 
ing been actually present in this province of Pam- 
panga, and in the others that have been named) 
likewise ordains that the house and house-lot cannot 
be seized from any debtor, of whatever class he may 
be, as is commonly done -leaving in the street, and 

known as the Ley hipotecaria (or mortgage law), which in 1889 
was extended to Filipinas. During the period of revolution and 
war (1896-99) many of the land records were destroyed in the 
provinces, which further complicated questions of land ownership ; 
and the U. S. Philippine Commission was obliged to make pro- 
vision for the settlement of these by the " Land Registration Act," 
which became effective on February i, 1903. For account of its 
provisions and mode of operation, see the chapter on " Land Ti- 
tles " (pp. 127-137) in Official Handbook of the Philippines- 
where also is presented a more detailed account of the regulations 
made by the Spanish laws. 


exposed to beggary and other evils, a multitude of 
Indians who perhaps would again be self-support- 
ing, if they could have recourse to their own shelter- 
ing roof (which hardly would be worth as much as 
ten pesos), and the trees which they enjoyed on their 
own land. Proceedings must be taken only against 
their goods, without leaving them or their wives des- 
titute; for it is very well known (as those who lend 
ought to know) that no one can lend to a native more 
than five pesos -an amount which he can easily pay 
with his work, or with some article of luxury which 
he may possess. This regulation must serve for the 
magistrates, as they are ordained and commanded, 
in order that they may conform to it; and, in virtue 
of the ordinance by his Majesty that in cases in- 
volving from one to five hundred pesos formal claim 
shall not be brought into court, the alcaldes-mayor 
shall decide these verbally, without receiving formal 
complaints, or anything else except the [original] 
documents, or the verbal declaration or confronta- 
tion of the parties. It must be noted that in cases 
where this is necessary, and the complaining party 
shall name some valuable article which is worth the 
amount of his demand, the magistrate shall proceed 
to sell it in the public square; and by selling it to 
the highest bidder, in one day (which shall be 
announced by the public crier), payment shall be 
made to the claimant, handing over the rest to the 
debtor, and deducting only such fees as are proper 
for the few hours of time which the judge may have 
spent on the case. By this, however, must be under- 
stood that in such cases their wooden houses which 
may have some value (as they actually do in most 
of the villages) shall not remain exempt from 
seizure; for it is certain that the owners of such 


houses, if through ill-luck or calamity they come to 
misfortune, can never lack some means among their 
own relatives for establishing themselves in some 
humble house, which they can erect as cheaply as I 
have just stated. 

In regard to the repartimientos of people for the 
royal works, which are constructed in the provinces 
near Manila, as also in regard to the domestic serv- 
ants [tanores']^ and other people who are assigned 
for work on the churches, government buildings, 
and jails, and guards [bantayes']^ etc., various regu- 
lations have been made ; but, knowing that these are 
not sufficient to uproot so many wrongs, injuries and 
oppressions as the Indians suffer from the magis- 
trates of their villages, and from the heads of ba- 
rangay- making the villages contribute a greater 
number of people than is needed and required, and 
exempting from their turn of service those who 
should render it (both of these proceedings serving 
to defraud the poor, who, in order not to leave their 
grain fields, yield whatever the magistrates and 
chiefs ask from them, according to their caprice and 
the extent of their greed) -it is ordained and com- 
manded that both these repartimientos be carried 
out with the knowledge and consent of the parish 
curas. To each individual cura must be sent a state- 
ment of the number of people necessary, and of the 
quota from each village; and the headmen shall be 
under strict obligation to obtain certificates from the 
said father curas that they have carried out the 
repartimiento in conformity with the decrees. It 
must be understood that these repartimientos cannot 
be made in conscience, and without contravention 
of the law, among the farmers and artisans who 
are occupied in their tasks, so long as there are 


wandering and idle people, since these last are the 
ones assigned by the law for these necessities. As 
little are the sons of the chief exempt, or the heads 
of barangay who have no occupation, or those who 
have held an official position, if, relying on this sort 
of privilege, they do not return to their former 
occupation or duties in the field. 

Finally, it is ordained and commanded to all the 
governors, corregidors, alcaldes-mayor, and other 
magistrates throughout the island, that they most 
punctually observe and fulfil whatever is here de- 
creed, in order thus to render greater service to God, 
and to the king- who has entrusted to the carefulness, 
conscience and vigilance of this supreme government 
the welfare of these islands and of all their inhabi- 
tants; also their social condition, just government, 
promotion, and reputation. And the said governors, 
corregidors, alcaldes-mayor and other magistrates 
here mentioned are warned to fulfil whatever is here 
decreed, under a penalty of five hundred pesos fine; 
and on the alcaldes of the natives, the mestizos, and 
others of their class a fine of twenty pesos is imposed, 
both fines to be applied in the usual manner. These 
fines shall be exacted from them whenever any ap- 
plication shall be presented that is founded upon any 
transgression of this decree, or when its infraction 
shall be proved in any manner. And as it is necessary 
that the parish priests shall aid, on their side, and 
shall be zealous for its fulfilment, the reverend and 
illustrious archbishops and bishops and the devout 
provincials of the islands shall be urgently requested 
to incite and oblige their parish priests to the observ- 
ance of these wholesome regulations and ordinances, 
charging upon their consciences that if they know 
of any failure to observe the decree, they shall com- 


municate it to the supreme government. The said 
reverend prelates shall also be notified that this su- 
preme government expects -from their well-known 
zeal and love for their flocks, and because they have 
resigned all else for the greater service of God and 
of the king -that they will cooperate by their utter- 
ances and with their effective persuasions in ful- 
filling by all means the desires and intentions of 
the governor, who considers himself under the 
strictest obligation to issue this ordinance, and to 
command that it be carried out until his Majesty 
shall be pleased to confirm it. Before his royal 
throne will be presented the merit and activity of 
each one of those who excel in solicitude for its ob- 
servance, a full account of which will be given to his 
Majesty in our next despatches. And, in order that 
this decree may be known in all the villages and in 
all the districts of the island, and published with 
all possible fulness and clearness, it shall be trans- 
lated into all the dialects; and as many copies as 
shall be necessary shall be printed, in two columns, 
the first in Castilian, and the second in the respective 
idiom of the province to which it shall be sent. 
Copies of these shall be posted everywhere in the 
magistrates' offices of the villages, and printed copies 
shall be supplied to all the courts of the capital, in 
order that they may observe and fulfil the decree, 
so far as it belongs to them. 

At the village of Arayat, on the twentieth day of 
the month of March, 1784, 

Don Joseph Basco y Vargas 

By command of his Lordship : 

ViZENTE Gonzales de Tagle, notary-public ad 
interim of the government.^^^ 

232 At the foot of the last printed page is a note, evidently writ- 


Agricultural conditions in 1866 
[The following article is taken from Jagor^s 
Reisenj pp. 303-306.] 

Excepting some large estates acquired in earlier 
times through donation, landed property originated 
mainly through the right of occupation by the pos- 
sessor and his rendering the land productive which 
even now is a common right recognized in the laws 
of the Indias in favor of the indigenous inhabitants. 
In the exercise of this right, the native takes posses- 
sion of such unused land as is necessary for his house 
and tilled fields, and loses it only when it remains un- 
cultivated for two years. Setting aside these native 
(and likewise very poor) landed proprietors, landed 
property is legally acquired in the following man- 
ner: through purchase from the state of a certain 
area of unimproved crown lands [Spanish, realen- 
gasl ; through actual purchase from the natives 
who possess property; through contracts (called 
pactos de retro) concluded with the natives; and 
through the pledging or hypothecation of bonds, 
which even these natives are accustomed to agree to, 
especially in commercial dealings. 

The first of these means ought to be a source of 
wealth; but it is not, for various reasons. At present 
very few persons are familiar with the legislation re- 
garding the unused crown land, which consists of 
numberless single decrees forming a casuistical, dis- 

ten by some person in the secretary's office of the Council of In- 
dias (to which body this copy of the decree appears to have been 
sent), which reads in translation: " It came with a letter from the 
governor of Philipinas, Don Joseph de Basco y Vargas, dated 
June 16, 1784, and received at the secretary's office on March 19, 
1785." A penciled memorandum on the fly-leaf indicates that it 
w^as published at Sampaloc, 1784. 


connected, complicated, and confused mass. . . . 
By a royal order of 1857, ^he first offer for untilled 
crown lands was fixed at fifty dollars a quiflon ; and 
the concession could not be secured without a pre- 
vious public auction. From that time private per- 
sons held aloof from such demands; to the former 
evils are added the high price, and the danger of 
being outbidden in the auction, and thus of losing 
one's trouble and expense for the examination of the 
lands. In 1859 the decree was modified, and the 
former price of four reals a quiiion as first offer was 
established; but this decree is not yet published. 

In order that capital may flow into agriculture - 
without which that industry cannot possibly be de- 
veloped to the production of grain and colonial 
products for exportation -it is absolutely necessary 
to overcome all obstacles which discourage men of 
wealth. Among these hindrances stands in the first 
rank the local administration, in regard to the grant- 
ing of untilled crown lands; in the second, the ob- 
structions which are placed in the way of both 
[Spanish] natives and foreigners who wish to ac- 
quire rights of settlement and citizenship in the com- 
munity. Besides the difficulty of acquiring large 
possessions, still others exist. The planter can easily 
find laborers, to whom he must make considerable 
advances in food, cattle, and money; but the In- 
dians pay little attention to fulfilling their contracts, 
and the legal means at the command of the planter 
for compelling them to fulfill their past engage- 
ments are as burdensome and ruinous as even the 
abandonment of his rights. Unless the alcalde is 
active and shows good-will, the planters usually pre- 
fer not to press their claims; they endure the loss, 


and many are thus induced to abandon their enter- 
prises. This cancer on agriculture will disappear as 
soon as every Indian possesses a certificate of citizen- 
ship [Biirgerbrief; Spanish, cedula de vecindad\ 
If one weathers the first year, storms, locusts, and 
business crises are to be expected later, all of which 
depress the price of his product. In such cases it is 
for the planter the greatest evil that no credit exists. 
There are no mortgages, at least there is no compul- 
sory registration of mortgages; accordingly, no one 
dares to lend his money on such estates, or he does it 
only at crushing rates of usurious interest. An im- 
provement in this respect is urgently demanded by 
the agricultural interests, both great and small, by 
the mercantile class, and by large and small estates ; 
it would place a limit to the pacto de retro^ as well as 
to the usurious contracts which are called in Luzon 
tacalanauj in Bisaya alili- the furnishing of loans on 
the proceeds of the next harvest- to which must be 
ascribed the misery and the backward conditions 
that prevail in many places. . . . 

The pacto de retro is one of the most usual modes 
in which landed property passes from the posses- 
sion of the natives to others. A considerable part of 
Pampanga, Bataan, Manila, Laguna, Batangas, and 
other provinces has, within a few years, changed 
owners in this way. Thus also do the inexpressibly 
cunning and thrifty mestizos usually acquire their 
landed possessions, the cultivation of which they then 
improve; but that does not prevent this custom from 
being detrimental to the public welfare. The native 
who possesses a piece of land through placing it 
under cultivation and actually occupying it, but al- 
most never (or very seldom) by purchase from an- 


Other owner, when he finds himself in pressing need 
of money offers his land as a pledge for the desired 
loan from a capitalist; but where he has no docu- 
ment to establish and prove his just claim, no foun- 
dation exists for a loan on mortgage under moder- 
ate conditions, since the applicant is free from all 
burdens and obligations. The capitalist therefore 
looks for his own security in immediate possession. 
The hypotheca is converted into an antichresis se- 
curity {prenda Pretoria) , and as it is with great dif- 
ficulty (or at least it very seldom occurs), that the 
Indian who receives the money consents to pay it 
back at the appointed time, and it is not to the lend- 
er's interest to force him to pay it, the result is, that 
for a sum corresponding to the secured loan -that 
is, for a half or a third of the value of the security 
-the piece of land finally changes proprietors. Not 
seldom it happens that the former proprietor remains 
on the land as a farmer (that is, as a laborer, in 
reality as a slave to his debts). Often the Indian is 
seduced into contracts of this sort by his passion for 
cockfighting and gambling. 

The laws of the country require the Indians to live 
in villages, uniting their farms into hamlets, so that 
they can be watched over and their tributes collect- 
ed. In ordinary circumstances, the Indian builds 
for himself a hut in his field, where he lives while 
he is working his land, and goes on Saturday even- 
ings to the village in order to hear mass on Sunday. 
His field has no great value for him, since he can al- 
ways put another piece of land into cultivation, so 
great is the surplus of land in all the villages remote 
from the capital. The facility with which he can 
abandon one tract to take possession of another is 


very detrimental to the development of agriculture. 
A small landed proprietor, who has planted a bit of 
waste land with rice or potatoes without asking any- 
one's permission, raises an outcry if his garden is 
entered by a cow or a horse that grazed there years 
ago ; and, since the law stands in his favor, he is al- 
lowed to receive from the owner of the cattle pay- 
ment for often imaginary damages, while the loss 
from such causes should be borne by him who culti- 
vates a field without enclosing it. 

This same small proprietor avails himself for his 
own benefit, of all the privileges and rights of an en- 
tire village of Indians, if a wealthy man desires to 
lay out a plantation in his neighborhood. The capi- 
talist who has decided on such a plan often finds that 
on land which was before entirely untilled and 
waste, when he has after long difficulties acquired 
control of his property, and has reckoned a certain 
amount [of expense], some Indians have planted a 
grain field; and through testimonies covered with 
signatures, which are presented in the court, they as- 
sert that they inherited these very lands from their 
fathers, and have never ceased to work them. 

A remedy for these abuses would consist in the 
limitation of districts, and the jurisdiction of the 
municipality, so that, for the purpose of increasing 
the landed property for the inhabitants of a village, 
so much land should remain free as they could at the 
time reasonably claim -more or less than the so- 
called municipal field {legua comunal)^ of which, 
besides, no law makes mention. All the remaining 
land located within the jurisdiction should be de- 
clared the property of the crown, and the title to all 
possessions then located outside of municipal control 


should be valid; but in future all possessions that 
shall not conform to the said rules shall be declared 
invalid. Within the municipal limits or the legal 
property of the village (which may not extend be- 
yond the sound of the bell) the native farmer should 
be allowed to dwell, [even] outside of the village, 
in the midst of the lands cultivated by him ; and only 
in case he alienates or abandons these should he be 
compelled to live in the village. The natives should 
bring new plots under cultivation within the munici- 
pality, and be able to acquire these by paying to the 
communal treasury a small ground-rent, or a mod- 
erate sum once for all. Such grants should proceed, 
with all publicity, from the entire body of the nota- 
bles, with the cooperation of the parish priest, and be 
recorded in a safely-kept book in every village, and 
should never contain a greater area than the appli- 
cant can till with his own carabaos [Biiffeln]. If such 
grant of state land does not exceed a quinon, it 
should be issued, according to the aforesaid forms, 
by the alcalde ^^^ of the province; if of greater ex- 
tent, in the capital of the colony; but all ought to 
be recorded in the land-register of the province and 
village concerned. Those measures that were taken 
for the benefit of the natives and the promotion of 
cattle-raising, but which have an opposite effect, 
ought to be abolished. Agriculture, like every other 
occupation, needs no protection save clearness and se- 
curity in its essential conditions of life. 

Economic Society of Friends of the Country 

[The following account of this association and the 

233 gy royal decree of Feb. 26, 1886, the alcaldes-mayor of the 
provinces were restricted to judicial functions, and in others they 
were replaced by civil governors. 


more notable of its achievements is obtained from 
Fernandez and Moreno's Manual del viajero en Fi- 
lipinas (Manila, 1875), pp. 173-178. This subject is 
presented here as being so largely connected with the 
progress of agriculture in Filipinas.] 

Founded in the year 178 1, in virtue of a royal or- 
der dated August 27 in the preceding year (issued 
in consequence of advices from the excellent gov- 
ernor Don Jose Basco y Vargas), in 1787 it suspend- 
ed its meetings, on account of the gradual and pro- 
gressive decline of the society. In 18 19 it resumed 
its functions, but suffered a period of discouragement 
and paralysis as a result of the Asiatic cholera mor- 
bus, which appeared then for the first time in these 
islands; and until October, 1822, the few meetings 
which the society held had no other object than ques- 
tions of internal order, having little interest or im- 
portance for its history.^^^ A memoir published by 
the society with date of January i, 1860,^^' makes 
the following statement: '' From that date (October 
22, 1822), it can be said, begins the series of the so- 
ciety's labors and services -achievements all the 

234 Bernaldez, in his account (dated 1827) of " Reforms needed 
in Filipinas " (already presented in our vol. li) says of this asso- 
ciation (fol. 29): "Although in Manila there is an Economic 
Society organized to promote public prosperity by means of the 
industries of the country, composed as it is of miscellaneous mem- 
bers, nominated without [their own] solicitation, and without in- 
clination for that sort of occupation, there is little, if anything, to 
be expected from the activities of a body which has already gone 
to pieces once through its own inaction, and has been reestab- 
lished only to comply with the sovereign's command, and not by 
the activity or encouragement of the citizens of Filipinas them- 

235 Evidently referring to the pamphlet, Noticia del origen y 
hecho^ notables de la Real Sociedad . . segun sus actas y 
documentos oficiales (Manila, i860) ; but this is a second edition, 
the first having been issued in 1855. 


greater and more valuable, inasmuch as they pro- 
ceeded from slight and ephemeral causes, and from a 
corporation which could not depend on material re- 
sources even remotely proportioned to the magnitude 
of its object; and which plunged into labors [which 
meant] nothing less than the advancement and civili- 
zation of a virgin country, containing more than 
8,000 square leguas of surface, with 3,000,000 of in- 
habitants still half-barbarous, and without stable or 
established mercantile relations with any part of the 
world (on account of the recent crisis in the privi- 
leged commerce, which had just been abolished), 
with a capital of 30,000 pesos, at 5,000 leguas dis- 
tance from European civilization, and with a gov- 
ernment occupied besides with the political situation 
and calamities of those days, confiding only in its 
patriotic enthusiasm and in its desires for the aggran- 
dizement and prosperity of the country." In the 
above memoir are concisely recorded three hundred 
forty-seven notable achievements, all beneficial to the 
country, accomplished by that distinguished society 
in the space of thirty-seven years. We would gladly 
reproduce entire in our modest book the relation of 
services so important; as we cannot do this, we indi- 
cate those which, in our judgment, are the more no- 

1823. February i-Free distribution of one 
thousand three hundred twenty copies of [books of] 
grammar, orthography, and reading-lessons, for 
popular use. February 15 -The society bestows a 
gold medal on Don Doroteo Punzalan Estrella, for 
opening a channel which gave a new and more con- 
venient direction to the river of Tondo; and another 
of silver on Don Agustin Campuzano and Pedro An- 


tonio for other and similar services rendered, to the 
benefit of the country. March i-The society re- 
solves to give two hundred fifty pesos annually to en- 
dow in this island a chair of agriculture; and it ap- 
points a prize for the best memoir which should be 
written " on the causes which hinder the development 
of the agriculture of the country." October 8- 
Translation and printing by the society of the book 
entitled, Guide for the Lancasterian Mutual System 
of Education^^^ which manual was distributed 
gratis, by decision adopted on March 9 of the fol- 
lowing year. December 2 - Establishment of a school 
of drawing; the first examinations for graduation 
from the said school took place April 9, 1828. The 
society resolves to send to India, on its own account, 
an intelligent person to study the method of dyeing 
the cambaya fabrics; and to order from North 
America three machines for hulling rice. 

1824. March 9 -Offering of prizes for the best 
pieces of cloth woven in Filipinas in imitation of 
those from China, and for the most successful experi- 
ments in dyes for cambayas; the prizes were award- 
ed on September 22 of the same year. September 22 
- It is agreed to pay the cost of instructing eight In- 
dians in the art of dyeing, in order to extend this 
knowledge through the country; on October 6, 1825, 
the first dyers from the society's school are examined 
and approved. 

236 Probably referring to the book The Lancasterian System of 
Education, with Improvements, published (Baltimore, 1821) by 
Joseph Lancaster on his newly-invented educational system (com- 
monly known as the "monitorial"). He was an Englishman, 
born in 1778, and a member of the Society of Friends; he visited 
the United States, where he published the above work; and his 
death occurred in 1838. 


1826. February -Orders are given to reprint a 
manual presented by Don Jose Montoya on the culti- 
vation and preparation of indigo. 

1827. April 24- Printing of a memoir on the cul- 
tivation of coffee. October 30 -The society votes the 
sum of eight hundred pesos for aid of the hospital 
for the poor in this capital. 

1828. November 26 -The society orders the 
printing of a manual of the elements of drawing. 

1829. November 8 -Machines for hulling rice 
are received, sent by the Economic Society of Cadiz. 
December 13 -The society supports the govern- 
ment's project for establishing a bank in this capital. 

1830. March 21 -Reorganization of the Mer- 
cantile Register.^^'^ 

1833. August 13 -The society discusses and re- 
ports on the project of cultivating the poppy and 
making opium in Filipinas. 

1836. June 30 -Voluntary donation of five hun- 
dred pesos in behalf of the necessities of the State, 
on account of the war in Espana. 

1837. June 27 -The society awards a prize of one 
thousand pesos to Don Pablo de Gironier^^^ for 

2^^ See account of this periodical in vol. li, p. 48, note 16. 

^^^ This was Paul de la Gironiere, a French surgeon who went 
to Manila in 1820, and who escaped, almost by a miracle, from 
the massacre of foreigners by the natives in that year. He mar- 
ried a Spanish lady of Manila, the Marquesa de las Salinas, and 
spent twenty years in the islands, where he founded a colony at 
Jala- Jala, and kept a large estate under cultivation, besides per- 
forming, at various times, official functions entrusted to him by the 
Manila government. He returned to France, where he died about 
1865. He was author of a book, A ventures d^un gentilhomme 
breton aux ties Philippines (Paris, 1855), which had considerable 
vogue, and is regarded as an interesting and in many respects valu- 
able description of the islands, their resources and people, and 
social conditions there. He also wrote Vingt annees aux Phil- 
ippines (Paris, 1853), of which an English abridgment was pub- 


what he had done in exhibiting a coffee plantation 
of more than sixty thousand trees, in readiness for 
its second crop. 

1838. December 10 -Another prize, of five hun- 
dred pesos, bestowed on Don Vicente del Pino for a 
second coffee plantation of sixty thousand trees. 

1839. July 12 -The society assigns the sum of 
one hundred fifty pesos a month, for one year, to the 
publication of a periodical of industries and com- 
merce.^^^ Information regarding the uncultivated 
and crown lands of Filipinas is furnished by the so- 
ciety, by reason of the royal decree of May 13, 1836. 

1840. March 21 -The sum of five hundred pesos 
awarded to Father Blanco for the costs of printing 
and publishing the Flora filipina, which bears his 

1843. September 14- A prize is offered for the 
invention of a machine for combing abaca [fiber]. 

1844. March 14- A memoir by the society on the 
cultivation of sugar cane. 

1845. August 22 -An informatory report on the 
increase of population and the necessity for protec- 
tion to agriculture. 

1846. September 22 -Prizes of one thousand and 
500 pesos to Don Ifiigo Gonzales Araola for two 
plantations of coffee, in accordance with the condi- 
tions of the royal decree of April 6, 1838. The so- 
ciety resolves to send young men from Filipinas to 
study mechanics in foreign countries. 

lished in London soon afterward, called Twenty Years in the 
Philippines. (See Pardo de Tavera, Biblioteca filipina, pp. 185- 
186.) An English translation with the same title was published 
at New York (1854), " revised and extended by the author." 

2^^ Apparently alluding to the short-lived periodical Precio^ 
corrientes de Manila (1639-41) ; see VOL. LI, p. 71, note 31. 


1847. February 3- A fifth prize, of five hundred 
pesos, to Don Antonio Ortega for the cultivation of 
coffee. The society allots five hundred pesos to the 
support of the university; and five hundred pesos for 
the erection of nipa houses to aid the unfortunate 
[rendered homeless] in the burning of the village of 
Santa Cruz. November 25 -A proposal for improv- 
ing the construction of buildings in this capital; and 
decision that the society build a house and afterward 
raffle it 

1849. October 10 -The society votes one thou- 
sand pesos for a second attempt to acclimate in these 
islands the martin, a bird which destroys the locusts. 
On February 27, 1850, was added another allotment 
of five hundred pesos; and on November 16, 1852, 
another of one thousand three hundred eleven pesos, 
with the same end in view. 

1850. August 16- Report is made in regard to a 
museum, and to the provisional allowance of one 
thousand five hundred forty-seven pesos to arrange 
that such museum be formed. The sum of five hun- 
dred pesos is voted, to be spent for specimens of ar- 
ticles representing the industries of the country, so 
that these can be exhibited at the London Exposi- 
tion; in consequence of this exhibit, the society re- 
ceives (April 12, 1853) from the Universal Expo- 
sition of London a prize for the specimens that were 
sent there of fabrics woven from vegetable fiber, and 
a special prize for the weaving of the cigar-cases 
[petacas^ of Baliuag.^*"* On May 13, 1858, it re- 

^*®One of the largest and richest towns of the province of 
Bulacan; and both town and province are renowned for various 
native manufactures - hats, cigar-cases, pifia fabrics, and petates 
(i.e., mats)- of fine quality, and often very costly. See jfagor's 
account {Reisen, p. 48) of the manufacture of these cigar-cases 


ceives from London a new medal as a prize for arti- 
cles from Filipinas. 

1852. November 16- Systematic report on the 
opening of more ports to the external commerce of 
Filipinas; on June 15, 1855, the society congratu- 
lates the government on the establishment of the 
ports of Iloilo, Sual, and Zamboanga. 

1853. April 12 -Prize of two thousand pesos and 
honor of a medal awarded to Don Candido Lopez 
Diaz for the invention of a machine for cleaning the 
abaca. November 15 -The sum of one hundred pe- 
sos is voted to the subscription for the necessities of 

1854. March 17- Contribution of five hundred 
pesos for aiding the necessities of the village of 
Tondo, in consequence of the fire which occurred 
there some time before that date. 

1855. January 9 -The society oflFers the govern- 
ment twenty per cent of its capital, without interest, 
for the improvement of the construction of public 
buildings; on July 23, 1857, money is paid out for 
public works. May 18 -Gives information on the 
importance to the country of the government being 
favorable to the free exportation of rice. August 26 
- Project for instituting a school for small children. 
October 3 - Distribution of elementary books pro- 
vided by the society, treating of the cultivation of 
coffee, the preparation of indigo, and the principles 
of drawing. 

1856. March 4 -Report in regard to sending 

at Balivag; the fibers of which they are made are obtained from 
a certain species of Calamus (rattan), and the cases cost from two 
to fifty pesos each. It appears that the word petaca comes ( as does 
petate, "mat") from the Mexican word petlatl^ meaning "a 


young men to Europe, in order that they may devote 
themselves to mechanical studies. 

1856 [misprint for 1857?]. July 27 -Votes a 
grant of one thousand pesos to purchase objects for 
the museum and preserve them with those already 
therein. December 12 -Consideration of matters re- 
lating to a company for [operating] steamboats.^*^ 

1858. September 6 -Scheme for rendering uni- 
form the weights and measures of Filipinas. No- 
vember 15 -Consideration of two crops of rice in 
Filipinas, and report favorable thereto by Senor Go- 
vantes (a member), who furnished information on 
the mode of improving and making dikes without 
any cost or difficulty. 

In this interesting account of meritorious deeds we 
have omitted, in order not to make it too long, the 
numerous reports sent out by the society for draining 
marshes, loans of money for promoting agriculture 
and the mechanic arts, rewards to literary works, etc. 
We should state that at present [in 1875] the society 
holds the meetings provided for in its by-laws; and 
that each member, in order to defray in part the 
expenses of the corporation, contributes annually 
twelve pesos from his own funds. We do not doubt 
that it will continue its vigilant efforts, in order to 
realize, as far as possible its motto, *^ Public felic- 
ity." The chronological record of its resolutions 
from 1822 to i860 also forms a memorial of the 

^*^ " In 1848 were procured from London the steamers * Ma- 
gallanes/ ' Elcano/ and * Reina de Castilla/ which were the first 
vessels of this class that were seen in Filipinas ; and to their excel- 
lent services are due the rapid transformation which was wrought 
in the prosperity of the country, and the repression of the piracies 
of the Moro Malays." (Montero y Vidal, Hist, de Filipinas, iii, 

p. 87.) 


progress which has been made in this country in ag- 
riculture and industries ; ^*^ and, although it is not 
strictly proper for this place, we set down here, in 
continuation, some data referring to the said acts, for 
the purpose of bringing together in this section of 
our work all the activities in which the said Eco- 
nomic Society has exerted an influence. 

1822. November 25 -Woolen cloth [^ano] woven, 
the first in Filipinas, by one of its members, Don 
Santiago Herreros. 

1823. July 18- First cards for wool made in Fili- 
pinas, by a member of the corporation. Fray Diego 
Cera. It sends to China a plant and some seeds of 
the vanilla of the country. The existence of cerpen- 
taria [j/c] is recognized, a plant equally valuable 
with xiquilite^^^ for the production of indigo. On 
April 24, 1827, report was made of a record of ex- 
periments made for extracting from the said plants 
the fecula [/.^., coloring matter] of the indigo; and 
on September 5, 1828, a botanical description was 
furnished of the cerpentaria^ and an analysis of the 
fecula which it produces. September 4- Seed of 
the sugar cane of Filipinas is sent to Habana, and 
that of rice (or palay) to the Economic Society of 

1824. September 2 -The first permanent dyes for 
cotton and nipis, October 19 -Wool, silk, and shel- 
lac [^goma laca] are produced in Cebu. 

2*2 In the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla are MS. reports 
of this society's labors for a number of consecutive years. 

^*^ Jiguilete (or xiquilite) : the name given in India to the 
indigo shrub. The cerpentaria here mentioned is not identifiable, 
unless it be some other species of Indigofera, several of which are 
cultivated in Filipinas. The " Vanilla " is presumably a plant de- 
scribed by Blanco, which he calls Vanilla ovalis, greatly resembling 
V. aromattcay except that it lacked the fragrant odor of the latter. 


1825. April 2 -First report of the society on the 
establishment of a paper-mill ; the second report on 
the same subject was issued on March 14, 1835. 

1826. February 11 -Spinning machinery is or- 
dered from the United States. June 13 -The first of 
the goods called " Coast " cambayas and kerchiefs, 
[but] of inferior quality, are woven and dyed, 
through the influence of the corporation. December 
9 -The cochineal insect is brought into these islands. 

1827. April 24- Importation of a horse and two 
mares of superior blood, presented to the society in 
order to improve the breed in these islands. 

1828. November 26 -Information regarding the 
pine, the torch-wood [tea] of northern Luzon, and 
of a plant which produces a blue dye like the indigo. 

1834. February 24- Reports for the acclimation 
of tea in Filipinas; the first trial of this cultivation 
was undertaken on August 14, 1837, and five hundred 
plants ordered from Batavia. August 8 -Abaca is 
exported for the first time. December 12 -Informa- 
tion upon the existence of mineral coal in Cebu, 
Surigao, Angat, and Monte de San Mateo. 

1835. March 14 -Information collected regard- 
ing the silk industry in Caraga, various kinds of 
fiber for cordage (including one which appears suit- 
able for replacing hemp), a bark suitable for dyeing 
black, and the discovery of a copper mine in Mas- 
bate. September 15 -First sowing of abaca in La- 
guna; on March 19, 1837, the first specimens of the 
said product are presented, 

1836. April 23 -Machines for hulling rice by 
steam power, and on a large scale, introduced by 
Don Eulogio de Otaduy. Cottonseed sown in An- 
tique, using seed from Pernambuco. 


^839. July 12 -Caldrons [made] of red copper 
from the mountains of Pangasinan. 

1 841. January 29 -Propagation here of the cot- 
ton from North America known by the name of 
"[Sea] Island;" and request for seeds is sent to the 
United States. 

1843. March 14- Importation of a steam ma- 
chine for extracting the fiber of [para acorchar\ 

1848. June 14- Inquiry into the existence in the 
country of the white poppy from which the opium is 
extracted. (On April 20, 1849, the society issues a 
very explicit report on the cultivation of the said 
plant and the preparation of opium ^^* in Filipinas.) 
December 22 -A note regarding gutta-percha and 
gamboge, by Don Jacobo Zobel, a member. 

1849. April 30 -Acquisition and planting of 

^** See Jagor's chapter {Reisen, pp. 309, 310) on the opium 
monopoly which was established in Filipinas on Jan. i, 1844, and 
later confirmed by the Spanish government, after much discussion 
and controversy. Various arguments of policy, health, and moral- 
ity were brought forward on both sides, but that which finally 
triumphed was evidently the one thus stated by the governor-gen- 
eral, " The revenue from opium is indispensable for our treasury." 
The use of opium in the islands was intended for the Chinese 
residing there (being forbidden to the Indians and mestizos), and 
then only under certain restrictions; but Jagor found that, besides 
the 478 public opium-joints - which were " actual hotbeds of im- 
morality, and always full of Chinese "- hundreds of individuals 
were allowed, contrary to the law and to the intentions of the 
government, to smoke opium in their own houses. The revenue 
from opium amounted in i860 to 98,000 escudos; in the fiscal year 
of 1865-66, to 140,000; and in 1866-67, to 207,000. Montero y 
Vidal cites in Archipielago filipino (published in 1886), the tariff 
schedule of 1874, "The importation of opium is prohibited; and 
only that will be allowed which, in small quantities, is destined 
for the pharmacies, and all that which may be imported by the 
lessees of the right to sell this drug to whom the Treasury has 
granted that exclusive right in the provinces there - in which case 
it will pay duty according to item 80 " (that is, at eight per cent). 


eleven roots of the tallow-tree,^*^ at the country- 
house of Malacanan. 

1850. November 4 -Introduction of new appa- 
ratus and methods proposed by Senor Sagra for the 
manufacture of sugar. Report on the promotion of 
abaca culture. 

1 85 1. May 5 -Memoir on clays in the environs 
of this capital, and their application in the art of 
pottery. Wild cha [/.^., tea] found in abundance in 
the island of Masbate. July 18 -Report on the ex- 
portation of rice. 

1854. August 29 - Appointment of a commission 
to report to the society upon the present state of ag- 
riculture in the country, and obstacles which must 
be removed for its complete development. 

1855. January 9 -Gutta-percha found in Rom- 
blon.^*^ July 28 -The society grants a gold medal 
to Don Juan B. Marcaido for his efforts and studies 
in the method of extracting the abaca fiber from all 
the species of bananas which grow in the country. 

1856. March 4 -Communications referring to 
the method of securing the [edible] birds'-nests in 

1857. October i - Presentation of specimens of 
soaps made in the country. 

1858. April 19 -Knowledge of a gum called 
conchu found in Marianas. August 15 -Informa- 
tion given by Senor Barbaza, a member, relative to 
a hundred kinds of rice in Visayas. 

^^^ A tree found in China {Sttllingia sehifera), which yields a 
substance resembling tallow, which is used for the same purpose as 
the latter. 

2*® Regarding the gutta-percha industry, see Official Handbook 
of the Philippines y pp. 91-95. 


1859. May io~ Project regarding agriculture 
and commerce. 

(We have endeavored to make note of the im- 
portant activities in which the said society has taken 
the initiative or has shared since i860, up to the 
date of the printing of the Manual] and here is the 
result of our investigations.) 

i860. February 11 -The society makes a sub- 
scription of five thousand pesos to defray, in part, 
the expenses of the African war. 

1 86 1. October 8 -The society votes to contribute 
two thousand pesos from its funds for the expenses 
of sending articles from Filipinas to the London 
exposition. Efforts are made to acclimate in Fili- 
pinas the cochineal insect. 

1862. March 8 -It decides to give a prize to the 
cotton-grower who produces most. May 26 -Full 
report by the society in favor of the establishment 
of a school of agriculture, theoretical and practical. 
Report on conducting water to the capital.^*^ Sep- 
tember 30 -The society resolves to obtain seed of 
cotton from Egypt, to distribute it among the farm- 
ers. October 30 -The society receives official notice 
of the prizes awarded to the Philippine exhibitors 
in the London exposition. 

1863. May 23 -A specimen of spirits of turpen- 

^*^ The water supply of Manila is taken from the Mariquina 
River, eight miles from the city, being pumped thence to a reser- 
voir halfway to Manila, from which it is distributed. "The 
works are owned by the municipality, having been largely paid for 
with a fund, the proceeds of a legacy, left by the will of a citizen, 
Francisco Carriedo, who died in 1743." {Official Handbook^ 
p. 269.) This was one of the obras pias founded by a public- 
spirited citizen, Francisco Carriedo y Peredo; he was born in the 
town of Santander in 1690, and died at the age of 53, " having 
during his life conferred immense benefits on Filipinas." (Vindel, 
CatdlogOy i, pp. 155, 156.) 


tine is presented to the society, having a strength of 
37*" by Cartier's areometer, obtained from the trees 
of the country; a prize is granted to the person who 
prepared it October 27 -The society subscribes five 
hundred pesos to relieve the necessities of the artisans 
and laborers who suffered in the earthquake of 
June 3. 

1864. J^'^y 8 -Full report regarding the rebate 
of import duties on wheat flour. 

1865. July 17 -The society votes three gold med- 
als and five of silver, and five prizes of one hundred 
pesos each, for the owners of new houses which may 
be built, which in the greatest degree shall combine 
the requirements of solidity and economy, and in 
which no nipa shall be used. October 31 -Full re- 
port on the establishment of a quarantine station in 
the bay of Manila. The society resolves to contribute 
a sum monthly for the promotion of the botanical 
garden, a practical school of botany."® 

1866. December 22 -The society votes seven 
prizes in money for the best exhibitors, in the fair 
at Batangas: for cows with their calves, for the two 
finest female carabaos {caraballasl with their calves; 
for the two finest mares with their colts ; to the f e- 

^*® The botanical garden of Manila was created by Governor 
Norzagaray (by decree of Sept. 13, 1858) ; and, as a result of 
this, a royal decree of May 29, 1861, founded there a school of 
botany and agriculture, under the control of the governor of the 
islands and immediate supervision of the Economic Society. The 
locality called Campo de Arroceros ["the rice-dealers' field"] 
was set apart as a botanical garden, for the practical work of that 
school, with approval of the expenditures incurred by the governor 
for the establishment of both institutions; and the sum of 6,000 
pesos a year was allowed for their maintenance. (In 1894-95, the 
budget included for the expenses of these two establishments the 
sum of 37>294 pesos.) See Montero y Vidal, Hist, de Filipinos, 
iii, pp. 260, 261, 317, 318. 


male weaver who shall present [specimens of] the 
best ordinary fabrics of cotton or abaca for common 
use in the garments of the people ; for the best fab- 
rics of silk; for rewarding makers of hats or petacas ; 
and for the horse-races. 

1867. October 30 -The society resolves to spend 
five hundred pesos in purchasing plows, spades, and 
other farming implements, to distribute them among 
the farmers of Ilocos and Abra who may have suf- 
fered the greatest losses in consequence of a terrible 

1868. July II -The society decides to reward, 
with a gold and a silver medal, the authors of the 
best two memoirs which shall be presented proposing 
"the means which the government and the society 
can employ to secure the development of agriculture 
in the country. October 16 -Motion for the estab- 
lishment of a savings bank and public loan office. 

1871, December 11 -A gold medal is granted to 
Don Santiago Patero for the memoir presented to 
the society by that gentleman upon the cultivation 
of coffee and cacao, besides the printing of five thou- 
sand copies of the said treatise in order that it may 
be brought to the knowledge of the farmers. 

1874. Project for an annual fair and exposition 
at Manila. A study of the mutual use of bills of ex- 
change in Filipinas. Preparation of a memoir on 
the cultivation and manufacture of sugar; and 
others on the trade in coffee and cacao, and the abaca 
industry. Appointment of a commission for study- 
ing the project for establishment of an agricultural 


[The limitations of our available space compel us 
to omit any detailed account of agriculture in the 
islands; we have chosen to present, in the preceding 
papers, a view of agricultural conditions at two dif- 
ferent periods -in Basco's decree, 1784; and in Ja- 
gor's account, 1866 -with an outline of the efforts 
and achievements of the Economic Society from 
1 78 1 to 1874 (which aimed to develop the agricul- 
tural resources of the country and with these its 
manufactures and commerce), and references to the 
leading authorities on this subject, most of these 
works being easy of access for the student and thus 
rendering unnecessary our further use of them in 
this series. These references here follow: Comyn, 
Estadoj pp. 6-21, and chart ii at end ; Mas, Informe^ 
ii, section on agriculture (47 pp.) ; Mallat, Les Phil- 
ippines^ ii, pp. 255-282; Buzeta and Bravo, Diccio- 
narioj i, pp. 169-206; Jagor, Reisen^ in various 
places; Montero y Vidal, Archipielago filipino^ pp. 
204-216; Worcester, Philippine Islands^ pp. 503- 
510- and, for description of native methods,^^^ his 

^^^ Worcester says of the Ifugaos {ut supra, p. 829) : "Their 
agriculture is little short of wonderful, and no one who has seen 
their dry stone dams, their irrigating ditches running for miles along 
precipitous hillsides and even crossing the faces of cliffs, and their 
irrigated terraces extending for thousands of feet up the mountain 
sides, can fail to be impressed (PI. xxvi, xxxvii). When water 
must be carried across cliffs so hard and so broken that the Ifugaos 
cannot successfully work the stone with their simple tools, they 
construct and fasten in place great troughs made from the hol- 
lowed trunks of trees, and the same procedure is resorted to when 
canons must be crossed, great ingenuity being displayed in building 
the necessary supporting trestle-work of timber. The nearly per- 
pendicular walls of their rice paddies are usually built of stone, 
although near Quiangan, where the country is comparatively open 
and level, walls of clay answer the same purpose, and are used. 
The stone retaining walls are sometimes forty feet high, and so 
steep are the mountain sides that the level plots gained by building 
such walls and filling in behind them are often not more than 


"Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon," in 
Phil. Journal of Science^ October, 1906; the Annual 
Reports of U. S. Philippine Commission; Official 
Handbook of Philippines^ pp. 99-118; Census of the 
Philippines^ iv, pp. 11-394 (including detailed and 
classified statistics of the subject for the year 1903) ; 
and the Farmers' Bulletins published by the Insular 
Bureau of Agriculture, Manila, Cf. also the chap- 
ters on agriculture, titles to land, and agricultural 
products, in " Remarks by an Englishman" and Ber- 
naldez's " Memorial," in VOL. LI ; the section on agri- 
culture in LeRoy's contribution to the present vol- 
ume; and titles of works on these subjects which 
are enumerated in Griffin's List of Books on the Phil- 
ippines^ Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina^ Vin- 
del's Catdlogo biblioteca filipina^ and Retana's 
Aparato bibliogrdfico de Filipinas (Madrid, 1906).] 

twenty or thirty feet wide. I know of no more impressive ex- 
ample of primitive engineering than the terraced mountain sides 
of Nueva Vizcaya, beside which the terraced hills of Japan sink 
into insignificance." 




P. 91, lines 1-3: This is not correctly stated; see p. 30, last 
sentence in first paragraph. 

P. 130, middle: Navarrete, cited; "edition 1858" should 
read " edition 1859. " 

P. 185, last paragraph: The following information is fur- 
nished by the courtesy of Prof. Winslow Upton, director of 
Ladd Observatory, Brown University: "The first and second 
methods enumerated in this quotation refer to that now known 
as the Method by Lunar Distances, which was already in use 
in the sixteenth century. In the former the position of the 
moon was to be determined by its measured distance from some 
star, in the latter from the sun. Since risings and settings at 
an assumed horizon are specified, it is probable that the distance 
between moon and sun was determined by the time interval of 
their respective risings and settings. The fourth method Js that 
still known by the same name. The statement of the third 
method is obscure. It may mean that the longitude was to be 
found by a measured distance on the surface of the earth jFrom 
a station whose longitude was already known. This distance 
could be turned into difference of longitude if the length cor- 
responding to a degree of longitude in that latitude were first 
determined. This method is used today in geodetic operations." 

P. 218, note 184: The India House of Trade {Casa de 
Contratacton) was created by a decree of Isabel of Castilla (Jan- 
uary 14, 1503) as both a commercial board and a tribunal; and 
It partly replaced the admiralty court which had been estab- 
lished in Sevilla since the thirteenth century, the quarters of 
the latter (in the old Alcazar) being assigned to the India 
House when the latter was first organized. The powers of the 
India House increased greatly in the course of time, and it was 
subordinate to no council save that of the Indias; in 1583 a 
chamber of justice was added to it. This institution was, by 
a decree of 17 17, removed in the following year to Cadiz. An 



interesting study on the India House Is found in Los trabajos 
geogrdficos de la Casa de Contratacion (Sevilla, 1900), by Manuel 
de la Puente y Olea. This work - prepared by careful exam- 
ination of the documents In the archives - is devoted to the 
early voyages of discovery that were undertaken under the aus- 
pices of the India House and its navigators, ending with that of 
Loaysa (1525); the geographical studies made by its cosmog- 
raphers, and other scientific researches connected with its en- 
terprises; and the enrichment of the fauna and flora of the 
New World due to the conveyance thither of useful plants, 
fruits, and animals through the agency of the House. See also 
the detailed account of this Institution, Its organization, policy, 
and methods, by Bernard Moses, In Annual Report of Ameri- 
can Historical Association, 1894, PP- 93-123; a large part of that 
paper also appears in his Establishment of Spanish Rule in 
America (N. Y., 1898), chap. HI. 

P. 275, note 201 : For " Inflicted " read " afflicted." 

P. 282, note 202 : " During the process of exploration and 
settlement, authority In America rested in the hands of leaders 
of expeditions and colonies, who usually bore the title of ade- 
lantado. This was the title formerly applied in Spain to the 
military and political governor of a frontier province. Standing 
face to face with the Moors, he held the general military com- 
mand of the province, and had power to gather the people under 
his standard. In his capacity as a civil officer, he took cog- 
nizance of such civil and criminal cases as arose within the 
limits of his territory. [Santamaria de Paredes, in Derecho 
politico^ p. 487, has described the adelantados as ' governors of 
great territories, with a character chiefly military.' ] " (Moses, 
Spanish Rule in America^ p. 68.) 

P. 297, note 205 : For " Strait of Magellan " read " La 
Plata River." 

P. 300, In address of letter: For " CeL" read " Ces." Line 
2 from end : For " Avises " read '* Avisos." The endorsement 
should read thus: [" De cochin a 23 de Die®, de 1522." "A 
su mag xxjx de agosto."] For dates of these letters see data 
thereon In the bibliographical volume (liii) of this series. 


p. 73, end of paragraph: For detailed account of early e:> 
peditions previous to that of Legazpl, see the Historia general 
of Fray Rodrigo de Aganduru Moriz, published In Doc. ined, hist. 
de Espafia, tom. Ixxvlii and Ixxlx (Madrid, 1882). 

P. 75: To list of translators add, '* the ninth, by Francis 
W. Snow. " 

P. 79, line 9: For "secular" read "layman." 

1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 327 

P. 83, line 16: For " Lepuzcua " read "Guipuzcoa." 

P. 84, line 4 from end : For " buttock-timbers " read " fut- 
tock- timbers." 

P. 115, line 9: For " Panay " read " Panaon." 

P. 126, line 12 (and in many similar cases) : The word 
" painted " is the literal translation of the Spanish pintadoy and 
here refers to the custom of tattooing the body. 

P. 129, near end: The "lofty volcanoes" may have been 
Canlaon and Magasu, in Negros Oriental. 

P. 167, line 7 from end: For "novelty" read "innova- 

P. 173, note 84: Evidently " Pito " was in the original 
" Pi^," for " Polito; " the man being actually "[Hy] polito the 

P. 192, paragraph 4: " S. S." stands for " Senores," mean- 
ing the native grandees of those countries. 

P. 193, middle: For "cloths" read "canvas." 

P. 194, line 2 from end: After "fifty" add "thousand." 

P. 197, line I : Bancroft {Hist, Mexico, ii, p. 600) says that 
Arellano tried to secure the reward offered for discovering the 
return route from the Spice Islands. 

P. 220, line 8 in heading : For " prone-" read " proue-." 

P. 231, end of text: This letter was probably written by 
some one belonging to Arellano's ship, or who obtained his in- 
formation from that captain's followers. 

P. 237, middle: For " officers " read " artisans." 

P. 276, line 5 : For " by " read " with." 

P. 297, last line: The viceroy's name should be Luis de 

P. 332, paragraph 2: For "leg. i, 23" read "leg. V23." 


P. 29, lines 1-7: "The intimate relation between the king 
and his American dominions necessitated a regular organized 
system of postal communication. As early as 15 14, by a royal 
warrant, Dr. Galindez de Carvajal was made postmaster of the 
Indies, and by a subsequent order of the Council of the Indies, 
issued in 1524, all persons were restrained from interfering with 
him in the dispatch of messages concerning the affairs of the 
Indies. The lines of this service covered the distance between 
Seville and the other ports, and Madrid, as well as the distances 
between Spain and America. The postmaster of the Indies was 
an officer of the India House. . . . Rigorous laws enjoined 
all persons from intercepting and opening letters and packets. Of 
the amount paid for this service the postmaster was allowed one 
tenth part." (Moses, Spanish Rule in America^ pp. 64, 65.) 



P. 33, note I : For " Spain " read "Nueva Espaiia." 
P. 77, middle: Agias, probably meaning the clusters of fruit 
on the variety of pepper which is called aji (or agi) in America. 
P. 113, line 3: For "seventy" read "sixty-eight." 
P. 118, line 5 from end: For "twenty-eight" read "eigh- 

P. 223, note 73: For "pp. 108-112" read "pp. 54-61." 


Pp. 46 and 47 : These are transposed in the " make-up." 

P. 68, note 6: See Worcester's interesting account of the 
Tinguians in his " Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon/* 
p. 860; he praises their abilities, industry, eagerness to learn, and 
excellent traits of character, and their relatively high degree of 
civilization, as compared with that of their neighbors. 

P. 131, note 14, line 3 from end: Regarding Batachina, see 
VOL. XXVII, p. 105, note 39. 

P. 139, line 3 under "Sources:" for "original MS. docu- 
ments " read " MS. copies." 

P. 150, line 4 from end of text: Delete "[caliph?]." 

P. 166: By an error in the "make-up" the last five lines on 
the page are misplaced; they belong at the top. 

P. 205, line 9 from end: For "Pablo" read "Pedro." The 
same correction should be made on p. 247, line 13 from end. 

P. 284, line 9: For "up" read "above." Note 38: The 
chief early authority on the islands of Mindanao and J0I6, with 
their people, is Combes's Hist, de Mindanao y Jolo, which has 
been used frequently in this series. His descriptions of the latter 
are thus located in his book: the tribes, cols. 27-44; their boats 
and weapons, 70-76; their customs, 61-70; their character, laws, 
and government, 49-61 ; their sects and superstitions, 44-48. An- 
other excellent authority is Forrest, whose Voyage contains much 
valuable information. The best account of the history and culture 
of the people is that given by N. M. Saleeby, in his " Studies in 
Moro Law, History, and Religion," already cited by us. Cf. 
also late U. S. government publications on the islands, in which 
there is much matter regarding the Moro tribes. 

P. 289, last line: For "an" read "on." 

P. 320, line 2 from end: For " forty MSS." read " forty-one 


P. 31, line 2 from end of text: For "and two priests" read 
" two of them priests." (" Theatins " is here used for " Jesuits," 
as explained in VOL. xix, p. 64.) 

P. 39: Cf. the statistics of population, throughout Loarca's 

1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 329 

Relacion, with those m "Account of Encomiendas," vol. viii, 
pp. 96-141; also in U. S. Census of Philippines^ 1903, ii, pp. 

P. 41, lines 22, 23 : For " On the other side of the above- 
mentioned native communities " read " Besides the above-men- 
tioned natives, there is " - and, in fifth line below, omit " is "^ 
before " a village." In last line, for " village " read " Spanish 

P. 43, line I : This should read " There are more than thirty 
encomenderos." End of line 7 : For " treasury," read " revenue." 

P. 49, line 6 : For " other " read " except two of the." 

P. 51, line 4: For " Cavigava " read " Car i gar a." Line 2 of 
paragraph on Panaon : For " lies " read " lie respectively." In 
next paragraph : For " built around " read " located along." 

P. 55, line 4: For " well-disposed " read " shrewd traders." 

P. 57, line I : For " seen " read " discovered." 

P. 61, paragraph on tree-dwellings: For " in each one a house 
is built which can contain " read " in one house at the top of a 
tree live;" and after " fortress " insert " for defense." End of this 
page, and line i of p. 63 : For " formerly did much harm to the 
natives" read *' the natives of this island have done them much 
harm;" and for "making" (line 2) read "the ships make." 

P. 63, paragraph on Mindanao: For words after end of 
bracketed clause, read " but it is not necessary on this account to 
seize all that is discovered in the island of Mindanao." 

P. 65, line 2 from end: This is a line of type set in here by 
mistake ; for it read " belongs to an encomendero in the." 

P. 69, lines II and 12 from end: For " from the cases which 
are brought before the law for settlement " read " from other com- 
missions which are entrusted to the magistrate." 

P. 71, line 12 from top of page: After dash insert "and." 

P. 73, line 13: For "cocoa-beans" read "cacao-beans." In 
next paragraph : For " mats - the latter from rushes " read 
" petates, which are mats." 

P. 75, paragraph on Buracay: The last sentence is incorrect; 
the second clause should read " no rice is cultivated there, but they 
have a source of income in some goats." 

P. 77, line 11: For "wheat and produce" read "grain and 
collect." Line 4 from end : omit " larger." 

P. 79, line 8 from end: For "righting" read "cleaning;" 
adreqar in the text is evidently a phonetic rendering of aderezar, 

P. 83, line 4: For " monks " read " friars." 

P. 95, line 8 from end: For " dependencies " read " lands be- 
longing to it." 

P. 113, line 2 from end: For "returning from" read "in 
the direction of." 

P. 117, line 4: For "no" read "hardly any." 


P. 118, line 8: For " ouo " read " uno." 

P. 125, line 8 from end of text: For "Inheritances'* read 
** Maganitos;" this refers to the superstitious ceremony described 
on p. 131, near middle. 

P. 187: The sentence after Loarca's signature should read, 
" He was one of the first who came to these islands, and is 
greatly interested in these matters ; and therefore I consider this 
a reliable and accurate account " - apparently an indorsement of 
the " Relation," by Governor Penalosa. 

P. 189, last paragraph: For " Amanicaldo " read " Amanica- 
lao;" for " Luanbacar," "Tuanbacar;" for " Capaymisilo," 
" Capa and Misilo." 

P. 201, note: For " Sevillano " read " of Sevilla." 

P. 222, line 2 : In regard to the cruelty displayed by the Span- 
iards to the Indians, see George E. Ellis's " Las Casas, and the 
relations of the Spaniards to the Indians," in Winsor's Narrative 
and Critical History of America^ ii, pp. 299-348. Cf. Karl Hab- 
ler's remarks in Helmolt's History of the World (N. Y., 1902), 
i, pp. 390-396. 

P. 239, lines 8 and 9 : By a printer's mistake, a line of " dead " 
type was inserted instead of the one which belongs here; for 
" volves " to " will " inclusive read " if it is managed in this man- 
ner. Let your Majesty." 

P. 249, line 1 1 from end : For " will " read " should." 

P. 257, section 2: For "lay" read "secular" (it refers to 
the municipal council of Manila) . 

P. 258, note 37. On this subject, consult the magnificent work 
of Henry C. Lea, History of the Inquisition in Spain (N. Y., 
1906-07), the only full and scholarly account thus far given, and 
based on extensive researches in the Spanish archives. He dis- 
cusses the origin and establishment of that institution, its relations 
with the State, its jurisdiction, organization, resources, practice, 
punishments, spheres of action, etc. 

P. 263, lines 9, 10, 13: For "from" read "in regard to." 
Note 38: Concepcion states {Hist, de Philipinas, ix, p. 204) that 
the public sentence of anathema against those who were con- 
tumacious to the edicts of the Inquisition, whether for heresies or 
sins - a sentence which that tribunal commanded to be read every 
three years ~ had been pronounced only twice up to his time 
(1790). This was done by the August inian commissary Pater- 
nina, in 1659; and by the Dominican commissary Juan de Areche- 
derra, in 17 18. 

P. 265, near middle: For " prudence " read "conduct." 

P. 280, section 14: For "report to" read "take residencia 

P. 286, line 6 -also p. 287, last line of section 35: For " ex- 
cept " read " even." P. 287, section 37, line i : For " inability " 
read " disability." 


P. 289, near middle: For "remit" read "refer." Line 4: 
For " buildings " read " works." 

P. 291, line 5: For "machinery" read "industries." 

P. 293, section 56, lines 4 and 5 : Instead of " bishops," etc., 
read " bishop for the clergy whom we present to benefices." 

P. 299, section 74 : For " caciquedoms for " read " authority 
as chiefs on account of;" and for " milreis," " maravedis." 

P. 305, section 103 : For " when they exact " read " that they 
may exact." 

P. 307, section 113: For "receive" read "levy." For "su- 
perintendents" read "tax-collectors;" calpiste means "the stew- 
ard or collector whom the encomenderos stationed in the Indian 
villages," and calpisque " the collector of the taxes or tributes 
which belong to the lord of the village" (Dominguez, supple- 
ment). Section 114, lines i and 2: For " granted in encomien- 
das by" read "allotted in." Section 121, line i: This should 
read, " The registers must be examined and marked with a signet." 


P. 78, note 18: Omit words in parentheses. The Portuguese 
form of the name, Macao, ends in a nasalized sound, unsuited 
to the Spanish tongue; the Spaniards represent this by calling it 
Macan; and Macau is apparently only a transcriber's error. 

P. 241, line 2: For "written" read "received." Line 3: 
For " for " read " from." 


P. 39, note 5 : This name should be Bay, instead of Bombon. 

P. 134, middle: For " river Madre " read " the waters of the 

P. 167, line 8 from end: Delete " [Siam]." 

P. 1 74, lines 7-9 : The sentence between dashes is evidently an 
interpolation by the editor of Santa Ines's Cronica (to which this 
account by Plasencia is appended), and referring to the prelimi- 
nary ten chapters of that work, which furnish a description of the 
islands and their people. 

P. 194, line I : " In almost every large village [he is speaking 
of Samar and Leyte] there are one or more families of AsuanS, 
who are universally feared and avoided, and treated as outcasts, 
and who can marry only among their own number; they have the 
reputation of being cannibals. Are they perhaps descended from 
men-eaters? The belief is very general and deeply rooted. When 
questioned about this, old and intelligent Indians answered that 
certainly they did not believe that the Asuans now ate human 
flesh, but their forefathers had without doubt done this." " Can- 
nibals, properly speaking, in the Philippines were not mentioned 


by the early writers. Pigafetta had heard that on a river at Cape 
Benuian (the northern point of Mindanao) a people lived who 
cut out only the heart of a captured foe, and ate it with lemon- 
juice. Dr. Semper (Philippinen, p. 62) found the same practice, 
except the use of lemon- juice, on the eastern coast of Mindanao." 
(Jagor, Reken, p. 236.) 

P. 197, line 4: For " Felipe II " read " Council of Indias.'' 
P. 207, note 32 : After " king '' add " or the fiscal." 
P. 222, note 34 : At beginning of line 5 insert " Ceylon, erro- 
neously applied by some early writers to." 

P. 224, line 13: More definitely located by the editor of 
Resena biografica (1, p. 114), who says, '* It was in the place that 
is now called Arroceros [Le,, "the rice-market"]. (Note.) It 
was a great quadrangle of porticos which enclosed a spacious la- 
goon; the latter communicated with the Pasig river, and thus 
facilitated the entrance of the Chinese champans." 

P. 276, last line : Insert, before " the first conclusion," the 
words, "It is taken for granted that, of the encomiendas of these 
islands, some have instruction and some are without it." 


P. 27, middle: The date of Dasmarinas's letter should be 

February 28. 

P. 84, line I : For " Cubao " read "Lubao." 

P. 121, last line: For " Aguette " read " Aguetet." 

Pp. 127, 133: See VOL. XXII, pp. 77, 103, where Fernando de 

Silva asks that his wife's encomiendas may be confirmed to her; 

she was the daughter of Dona Lucia de Loarca, and must have 

been the granddaughter of the conquistador Miguel de Loarca. 

Cf. VOL. xxiii, p. 80. 

P. 263, line 5 from end: This name should be Basil Hall 



P. 13, line 10 from end: For " he " read " Dasmarinas." 
P. 26, note 3: " Mengoya (or Nagoya), as mentioned in the 
text, was in Hizen province, Kyushu Island ; the Nagoya in Owari 
was not in existence in Hideyoshi's time." [Letter to the Editors 
from Prof. J. K. Goodrich, of Imperial College, Tokio.] 

P. 68, note 13: The following interesting account of the 
earlier imprints in Filipinas is cited (in VindeFs Catdlogo, iii, no. 
2631), from a book written by the Dominican Fray Alonso Fer- 
nandez. Historia de los insignes milagros que la Magestad divina 
ha obrado por el Rosario de la Virgen sober ana, su Madre, desde 
el tiempo de Santo Domingo hasta 1612 (Madrid, 1613), fol. 
216, 217: 

1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 333 

'' Of some writers of the Order of St, Dominic who were liv- 
ing in thi^ year of 16 12, 

" In the Tagal language of Filipinas : Fray Francisco de San 
Joseph, of the convent of Madre de Dios at Alcala, who is living 
in the province of Nuestra Senora del Rosario of Filipinas, has 
printed at Batan, in the Tagal language of Filipinas, a * Book of 
our Lady of the Rosary ;' also another book, in the same language, 
v^hich treats of the holy sacraments of the Church; the natives of 
the islands have been greatly benefited by these books. 

"In the Chinese language: Fray Domingo de Nieva, of the 
convent at Valladolid, who serves in the province of Filipinas, 
has printed at Batan, in the Chinese language and likewise in the 
characters used by that people, a ^ Memorial of the Christian 
life/ Fray Tomas Mayor, of the convent at Jativa, who serves 
in the province of Nuestra Senora del Rosario of Filipinas and 
Japon, printed at Batan, in the country of Filipinas, in the Chi- 
nese language and with Chinese characters, a * Symbol of the 
Faith.'" ("None of the bibliographers of Philippine literature 
have mentioned this curious and interesting passage.") 

In Imprenta en Filipinas, cols. 5-14, 77, Retana argues (and 
apparently on good grounds) that the printing of the Doctrina in 
1593 was xylographic, not typographic. 

P. 77, line 3 : After " friend " add " and I have had an em- 
bassy from him." 

P. 153, line I : In the Bibliografia mexicana of Garcia Icaz- 
balceta the statement was made that Bishop Agurto " founded at 
Zebii a hospital for sick persons of all nations and creeds, with 
such liberality that he gave up to it even his own bed, having been 
obliged to ask that another be lent to him at the hospital itself, on 
which he might sleep that night." (Vindel, CatdlogOy no. 1462.) 

P. 164, note 26: After " Sanscrit" add " Sri Ayuddhya." At 
end, add the following: "See plan of Juthia in Bellin's Atlas 
maritime, iii, no. 51. It became the capital of Siam in 1350, and 
was destroyed by the Burmese in 1767. (The Siamese proper 
are the Thai - a word which probably means * freemen * ~ who 
are a superior race.) This statement is made by O. Frankfurter, 
of the Siamese Foreign Office, in A. C. Carter's Kingdom of 
Siam (N. Y. and London, 1904), pp. 81, 82." 

P. 190, middle: In line 17, a better reading would be 
" front " for " face," apparently meaning the breast of the horse; 
and in next line omit " [a frontal]." 

P. 299, line 5 : For " Ryos, a colonel " read " Ryos Coronel." 
(A similar correction should be made on p. 313, line 5.) See 
sketch of Rios Coronel, and description of his Memorial, by Re- 
tana in VindeFs Catdlogo biblioteca filipina, pp. 349*354 J he 
went to Filipinas in 1588, returned to Spain in 1605, and after- 
wards was in the islands from 1611 to 161 8. 


P. 305, last line of description of map: After '' Indias'' in- 
sert "(est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18)." See description in Torres Lanzas's 
Relacion de los mapas de Filipinos, Retana calls this the earliest 
map of Luzon. 

P. 327, section i ; The order of the two pressmarks here given 
should be reversed. 


P. 47, last line: For "soldiers" read " Sangleys." 
P. 65, line 8: For " Lanao " read " Liguasan." 
P. 131, end: This document was probably written by Luis 
Perez Dasmarifias. 

P. 218, line 13 : For " false musters " read " fictitious offices." 
P. 275, middle: For " twelfth " read " tenth." 


P. 138: See Torrubia's account of the abandonment of La 
Caldera in 1599, and of the unusually large expeditions immedi- 
ately afterward by the Moros against Panay {Dis^ertacion, pp. 

P. 152, line 8: For " Domingo de Rramos " read "on Palm 

P. 221, line 2 from end: The Italian version of Vaez's letter 
makes this number " twenty-nine thousand " only. 

P. 270, middle: For " Babao " read " Ybabao." 

P. 288, end : Add " Signed by the Council." 


P. 109, note 20, and p. 120, note 24: For explanation of this 
use of " Theatin " see vol. xix, p. 64. 

P. 131, paragraph 2, line 3: For " him " read " you." 

P. 165, middle: For " Rajaniora " read " Rajamora." 

P. 179, last line of note: For " Herrara " read " Herrera." 

P. 182, line 4 from end of note: Before " Tabacos " insert 
" de." 

P. 205, note: For " Paro " read " Jaro." 

Pp. 209-216: For " lagoon " read " lake " - the reference be- 
ing to the lake of Bay. 

P. 219, middle: Tigbao is the Visayan name of two different 
kinds of grass, Anthistiria gigantea and Heteropogon contortus 
(Merrill, Dictionary of Plant Names), 

P. 255, line 10 from end: For " stamped " read " printed." 

P. 256, line 9: For " lagoon " read " lake." 

P. 323, line 8: After ** therein " add '* (as also in Castro's 
' Points,' pp. 70-72)." 

1493-1^98] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 335 


P. 68, line lo: For " cane " read " bamboo." 

P. 96, line 6 from end of text: The hard polished outer sur- 
face of 'the bamboo joint is also often used for writing; some in- 
teresting specimens of this sort are in the possession of Edward 
E. Ayer, Chicago. 

P. 248, line 8 from end: For " third " read " second." 

P. 257, note, line 2 from end: For "Spain" read " Nueva 


P. 37, middle: Add to list of signatures "The licentiate 
Andres de Alcaraz." 

P. 143, middle: The ordinary naval ration furnished on the 
royal ships which plied between Manila and Acapulco was pre- 
scribed as follows in Arandia's Ordenanzas de Marina (Manila, 
1757), p. 61 : " On days when meat is eaten - Biscuit, 18 onzas; 
jerked beef, 6 onzas; fried pork, 3 onzas; salt, J4 onza; vinegar, 
for ten persons, % onza; firewood, 2 libras. On days when fish 
is prescribed - Biscuit, 1 8 onzas ; pottage or soup of vegetables 
[miniestras^, 3 onzas; pork fat \^manteca^, i onza; salt fish, 6 
onzas; salt, vinegar, and firewood, as on the other days. For 
each ration, four quartillos [about 21-6 quarts] are reckoned - 
one for cooking the ration, and three for drinking." 

P. 197, line 3: For " Biebengud " read " Bienbengud." 

P. 209, break in middle: To this place transfer the endorse- 
ment at end of p. 213. 

P. 280, line 4 from end: For " July 29 " read " July 25." 
The same correction should be made on p. 6, line 8 from end; 
p. 241, line 7. 


P. 179, lines 6 and 7 from end of text: For " from Caman- 
guian " read " of camanguian [i.e., storax]." 


P. 30, note 3 : Mazamune sent one of his nobles as ambassa- 
dor, Felipe Francisco Taxicura, in company with Sotelo; see re- 
lations printed at Sevilla (1614) and Roma (1615). (Vindel, 
CatdlogOy iii, p. 205.) 

P. 112, note 129, middle: Worcester says ("Non-Christian 
Tribes of N. Luzon," in Phil, Journal of Science, October, 1906, 
p. 807) : ** The Negritos do not tattoo themselves, but do orna- 
ment themselves with scar-patterns, produced by making cuts 
through the skin with slivers of bamboo (Plate xxiii, fig. i). 


Into these cuts, which are arranged with more or less geometric 
symmetry, dirt is rubbed to cause them to become infected and to 
produce large scars." 

P. 160, note, line 7 from end: For " in regard to " read " by." 
P. 178, note 233: This explanation is erroneously applied by 
Stanley, as the pifia is a Philippine fabric, and not Chinese. The 
reference in the text is to the cloth made from " China-grass " 
{B6h?neria nivea) , on which see vols, xxii, p. 279, and XLIV, p. 

P. 180, note 235: Jagor {Reisen, p. 315) thinks that the 
chiquey is the same as the lei-tschi or lechia (on which see VOL. 
XXXVIII, p. 21) ; the latter was called Euphoria by Blanco, but is 
now known as Nephelium lite hi, 

P. 201: The name of the Ladrones Islands was in 1668 
changed by the missionary San Vitores to Marianas, in honor of 
Mariana, queen of Felipe IV. The group contains 17 islands, 
which - excepting Guam, the largest - belong to Germany, or, as 
it is called, " the German New Guinea Protectorate," having been 
transferred to that power by Spain in 1899, together with the 
Carolinas and Palaos, for 25,000,000 pesetas. The original in- 
habitants (a Polynesian people) are known as Chamorros; but in 
later years a large Filipino element (soldiers and others) has 
mingled with them, and the people show a preponderance of the 
Filipino type. In 1898 the population of the group, exclusive of 
Guam (which contained about 9,000 people), was 1,938. Little 
was done for them by the Spaniards until 1668, when a Jesuit 
mission went to the Marianas under the direction of Diego Luis 
San Vitores. The attempts of the privileged class of natives to 
keep the new faith from the common people resulted in the loss 
of prestige by the former, conflict between the two classes, and 
martyrdom for some of the Jesuits - San Vitores meeting death 
thus on April 2, 1672. Nevertheless the missions made progress, 
and a few years later the Jesuits counted eight churches, three 
colleges, and over 50,000 converts ( Cretineau- Joly, v, pp. 20-22). 
The military conquest of the islands by Spain was accomplished 
during the years 1676-98; and they were occupied from that time 
by a governor and a small force of troops. In 1828 a new plan 
for the government of these islands was formed at Madrid, by 
which the royal estates were suppressed, and the lands divided 
among the natives, who were also provided with cattle and tools 
at low rates ; the governors were forbidden to trade, industries 
and commerce were declared open to the natives, and free ports 
were named. In 1855 Felipe de la Corte y Ruano Calderon went 
to the Marianas as governor, with orders to make certain needed 
reforms, and to make a full report on the condition of the islands, 
which he did. During the Spanish- American war of 1898, Guam 
was occupied by the United States before the governor had even 






1 — 1 








































1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 339 

heard of the outbreak of hostilities. For information regarding 
these islands, their people, and history, consult Montero y VidaFs 
Hktoria de Filipinas - which contains (i, pp. 350-352) a list of 
authorities, both MS. and printed - and Archipielago filipino, pp. 
438-442; and bibliographies of the Philippines, especially those of 
Retana, Griffin, and Vindel, already cited, and Griffin's List of 
Books on Samoa and Guam (Washington, 1901). As for the 
missions there, see Francisco Garcia's Vida y martyrio de Sanvi- 
tores (Madrid, 1683); Gobien's Histoire des Isles Marianes 
(Paris, 1700), largely a translation from the preceding; Murillo 
Velarde's Hist, de Philipinas, which contains several chapters on 
this subject; Concepcion's Hist, de Philipinas, vols, vii, viii; and 
especially Stocklein's Neue Welt-Bott (Augspurg, Gratz, and 
Wien, 1728-58), vols, i, iv, and v, which contain matter on mis- 
sions in Filipinas, Marianas, and Palaos, most of which is not to 
be found in Lett res edifiantes. 


P. 88, line 8 from end: For " Dionisio " read "Diego;" the 
same on p. 5, line 10. 

P. 126, line 4 from end of note: For " invention " read " find- 

P. 136, note 40: For " grograin " read " grogram." 

P. 150, end: The date of this document is September 5, not 9. 

P. 222, second paragraph : See Bernard Moses's " Economic 
condition of Spain in the sixteenth century," in Annual Report 
of American Historical Association for 1893, pp. 125-133. 

P. 243, "Sources:" The citation from Ventura del Arco 
should read " pp. 383-405 ; " the same correction should be made 
on p. 282, under no. 14. 

P. 292, middle: The date of Salcedo's arrest should be Octo- 
ber 9; see VOL. XXXVII, p. 24. Cf. Diaz's Conquistas, p. 673. 

P. 293, line 8 from end: After "Alcantara" insert "of mili- 
tary affairs." Under sketch of Curuzealegui : for " twenty-fourth 
regidor " read " one of the twenty-four regidors." 

P. 299, line 4: After "October 30" insert " 1776." 


P. 36, note: In the books of the India House at Sevilla, ac- 
counts were carefully kept for the estates of deceased persons 
(vol. XVIII, p. 36, note 3), the deceased being credited "with all 
that is brought over in armadas and flotas, and debited with all 
that is delivered to his heirs, executors, and creditors." These 
funds grew very large, and loans were made therefrom; in 1633 
the king borrowed over 500,000 ducats, but would not return 


this money. Later, such property was forfeited, if unclaimed for 
two years. By decree of 1671, the treasurer was allowed one 
per cent for managing these funds. (Moses, " Casa de Contra- 
tacion of Sevilla," in Report of American Historical Association, 
1894, PP- 106, 107.) 

P. 186, line 7: This raid occurred in October, 161 8; the 
Moros killed the commanders of the post, Arias Giron and Juan 
Pimentel, The shipyard was valued at more than a million pesos. 
(Torrubia, Dis^ertacion, pp. 30, 31.) 


P. 206, line 3 : For " ovens " read " furnaces." 

P. 306, middle: This memorial is obtained from Pastells^s 
edition of Coliuy iii, pp. 219-221. 

P. 307, middle: For " done in silk and unwoven silver," read 
''not woven, done in silk and silver [thread]." 

P. 310, line 2: For " 500 dead taes " should probably be read 
"gratuity (or perquisite) of 500 taes;" apparently an expression 
analogous to ganancias muerta§y " a gambler's gains," indicating 
money obtained without earning it.- James A. LeRoy. 


P. 75, line 6 from end: For "July 21" read "July 31." 
The same correction is needed for p. 5, line 8. 


Pp. 41 and 42 : The notes on these pages should be transposed, 
as they are erroneously inserted - that on Nova collectio becoming 
note 8, and that on the papal brief note 7. 

P. 105, line 6: For " October 3 '' read " October 8." 


p. 30: At end of note insert after " See " the words " Lea's 
Moriscos of Spain (Philadelphia, 1901), and." 

P. 99, note: See also Formosa under the Dutch (London, 
1904), by Rev. William Campbell, an English Presbyterian 
missionary in Formosa. He has used original sources, translat- 
ing the writings of Valentyn, Candidius, and other Dutch writers, 
and various letters and other documents contemporary with Dutch 
rule in that island; and at the end presents a full bibliography 
of the subject. 

Pp. 125-129: Pardo de Tavera states {Biblioteca filipina, p. 91, 
no. 544), citing Medina, that this document is of earlier date 
than 1 61 8. 

1493-1S98] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 34 ^ 

P. 289, middle : The line beginning " inhabitants " and ending 
" easily " is a duplicate of the same line above, inserted here by 
a printer's error ; in its place insert " insurrection of the year 
605 [sic], and at present many." 


P. 340, last line: For " 113 " read " 13." 


P. 44, line 14: After " date " insert " of August 14." 
P. 74, note 1 1 : Penas de Camara may be rendered, in a general 
way, " fines of the exchequer ; " but it should be remembered that 
camara, as used in this connection, means any royal tribunal, 
executive or judicial - whether the Council of the Indias (which 
was often referred to as el Consejo y Camara de Indias), or the 
Audiencia or the council of a colony, or the tribunal of accounts 
of any establishment, or even the municipal council, or council 
under an alcalde or alcalde-mayor. Fenas de camara in the laws 
of the Indies had, I think, especial reference to the various penal- 
ties provided, especially against officials for any non-performance 
of duty, by the Council of the Indias; and there was a special 
board of accountants for the fund of these fines, in connection 
with that Council. 

In regard to the phrase contador de result as, I have obtained 
(through the kindness of Fenton R. McCreery, secretary of the 
American Embassy at Mexico City) some further information, 
furnished by Senor Jose Algara, Under-secretary for Foreign 
Affairs of Mexico. He thinks that the above phrase is equivalent 
to glosador, [that is, to one who makes comments or explanations, 
or who " designates any amount in order to call attention to the 
examination or proof of the account to which the item belongs " 
(Dominguez)], or to segundo contador [" a second accountant "]. 
Senor Algara states that the references to the accountants for the 
colonies in the laws of the Indias (book viii, titles i and ii) did 
not define the character and duties of the various officers, because 
that had already been done in the Nueva Recopilacion (title ii, 
law V, no. i). He also cites from Nicolas M. Serrano's Dicciona- 
rio universal the following definition of contador de resultas: 
" Any one of those persons in the first grade of the chief accoun- 
tancy [Contaduria Mayor de Cuentas'], which corresponds to 
those officials employed in former times by the comptroller-in- 
chief [contador mayor] who were occupied in computing or trans- 
cribing the amounts in the account-books of the obligations which 
are incurred by those persons who administer the royal revenues 
by lease or by other title." - James A. LeRoy (in a private 


P. 99, line 3 from end of text : For " thirty-five " read " thirty- 
eight." The same correction should be made on p. 5, line 5 from 

P. 146, line 10 from end: "Agreement" is not a quite satis- 
factory rendering for the Spanish composicion, which has a tech- 
nical meaning in regard to the possession of lands; see note on 
this subject in vol. lii, pp. 296, 297. " Composition " will prob- 
ably be the best rendering, provided that this technical meaning is 
understood in such use of the word. James A. LeRoy says of this, 
in a private letter: "'Arrangement' also conveys somewhat the 
same idea - that is, the rearrangement of their rights, or the 
reconciliation of rights prescribed in this decree. Composicion de 
derechos means, quite closely rendered, * reconciliation of rights,' 
according to my recollection of its use in certain contracts which 
I have seen here in Mexico. It gives the idea of arbitration, to 
some degree, of rights more or less in conflict which are reconciled 
by agreement." 

P. 147, line 7: Consolidations of encomiendas were made, in 
order to abolish those which were too small, or make a more 
equitable distribution of the territory comprised in those which 
were very large. Pensions were also assessed against large encomi- 
endas, although in the laws of the Indias it was ordained that the 
maximum amount of such pensions should be 2,000 pesos. Ap- 
parently the aim of this decree was, to provide that in extending 
the tenure of the encomiendas and rearranging them the royal 
officials should also make allowance for the charges against the 
encomiendas in the way of pensions, so consolidating them as to 
accord with the decrees of previous years on this subject. Those 
decrees sought to prevent an encomendero from being deprived 
of a fair income by the assessment of too many pensions against 
it (for wives, relatives, or dependents of previous encomenderos 
of the same district; or for other services to the State, paid for 
by assigning portions of remunerative encomiendas) ; and at the 
same time aimed to restrict the income to be derived from an 
encomienda, and to make these incomes nearly uniform in value.- 
James a. LeRoy (in a private letter). 


P. 5, line 2 from end: For "July-August" read "March- 

P. 269, middle: For ^^bienzos^^ read ^^ iienzosJ^ 


P. 5, line 4: For " Cavite " read " Manila." 

P. 122, middle: The peso ensayado was, according to Lea 

1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 343 

(Hist, of Inquisition in Spain, 1, p. 562), a colonial coin, worth 
400 maravedis, equivalent to 11% reals, or a little more than a 

P. 146: "The fundamental idea of the commercial and in- 
dustrial policy of Spain, as carried out through the India House, 
was that of restriction and privilege." (Moses, Spanish Rule in 
America, p. 265.) See Roscher's comments thereon in his Spanish 
Colonial System (Bourne's ed.), p. 35. 

P. 256, middle: This mention of the Salve refers to the Ave 
Maria, not to the Salve Regina (" Hail, holy Queen !").- Rev. 


P. 339, middle : The " Moro-Moro play " was a feature of 
town fiestas, both religious and secular functions, for several cen- 
turies, and is still common in the more remote towns, though the 
modern sophisticated Filipinos have been trying to laugh it out 
of court, and have done so in the more cultured regions. I saw 
it at Kotabato in 1901, where the handful of Christians in the 
population played it before the Commission and a host of gathered 
Moro tribesmen from up the river.- James A. LeRoy (in a 
private letter). 

VOLUME xxvni 

p. 47, note 19: In line 5, for "southern" read "north- 
western." The stronghold of the Moros, after J0I6 was destroyed, 
was at Maibun, a town on the southern shore. Combes describes 
the island in detail in his Hist. Mindanao y Jolo, cols. 14-19- 
See also Escosura's Memoria sobre Filipinas y Jolo, pp. 213-436. 

P. 55, note: Crawfurd is wrong as to the kris being a poniard 
or dagger; or, if so, it is certainly in the Philippines a short, 
straight-bladed sword, with wavy edges.- James A. LeRoy (in 
a private letter). See illustrations of Moro weapons presented in 
this series; also those in Worcester's Philippine Islands, p. 155, 
and in Reports of Philippine Commission and other government 
documents. Collections of these weapons may now be seen in 
most of the large museums in the United States. 

P. 96, note : The best description and classification of the pagan 
and Moro tribes of Mindanao is that of Barrows in the Census 
of the Philippines, i, pp. 461-477; see also his report for the 
Ethnological Survey, in Report of the Philippine Commission for 

P. 130, art. 564, line i : For the second " province " read 
" convent." 

P. 200, end of paragraph i : In one of Viana's official opinions 
in 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 103, 104), he scores the board of the 
Misericordia for demanding any further security than the royal 
name and promise for loans made by them to the government; 
if they had been content with that, thus " avoiding irrelevant 


conferences of theologians and jurists," they would have responded 
with honor and loyalty to the many favors that they have enjoyed 
from the king, etc. 

P. 210, last paragraph: See account of this affair in vol. i, 
note 67. 

P. 211, paragraph 2: The laws of the Indias ordained - ^.^., 
lib. vi, tit. i, ley xviii (1550); lib. i, tit. xiii, ley v (1634)- 
that there should be schools in which Spanish was to be taught, 
for the sake of having a suitable language in which to teach the 
Christian faith. 

P. 218, end of paragraph i: Viana {Respuestas^ fol. I02v) 
recommends that certain criminals be sent to serve at Zamboanga, 
some for life and others for specified terms. Forrest mentions 
the practice of sending convicts from Manila to Zamboanga, as 
they were sent from England to Botany Bay. The secretary 
mentioned by Le Gentil was Cosio, who himself was afterward 
banished to Africa for his illegal acts under Raon. 

P. 257, line 6: The word "impost" is incorrect here; the 
English equivalent is most nearly approached by rendering this 
phrase [Spanish, derecho de elecciones de gobernadorcillo~\^ " the 
[government] right in elections." J. A. LeRoy says of this, in a 
private letter: " It apparently refers to the right of the superior 
government - generally exercised in each province by the alcalde- 
mayor or provincial governor -of selecting the gobernadorcillo 
of each pueblo from a list of three [^ternd]^ this list being proposed 
to him by the notables [principales] at the annual election. It 
is altogether probable that the man chosen sometimes had to pay 
that official, and that Mas is here reporting this as another of the 
abuses which, under the early Spanish regime, the friars used to 
charge against the alcaldes-mayor, in that sense, being a * robbery ' 
of the natives." 

P. 266, line 2: For "271-275" read "271-273." 

P. 321, line 3: The statements of this writer would make it 
appear that the friars developed the resources of Negros; but 
that is not the fact. The old regime described by Mas and Jagor 
failed to develop those resources; and the modern development 
of Negros (which dragged the friars reluctantly after it) was 
accomplished through foreign commerce and foreign traders, a 
part of the general development of the Philippines as a whole. 
This very document shows how, when it was seen to be beginning, 
through Spanish and Spanish half-caste planters, to whose aid 
British importers of machinery of the modern sort soon after 
came, the friars stepped in to claim an island which since the 
Spanish discovery they had sadly neglected, and to wrest its 
growing curacies from native priests. This friar's claims (pp. 
319-322) are all the more audacious in view of the proximity to 
his own time of the development, through foreign agencies, which 

1493-1S98] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 345 

he claims as due to his order. There are other parts of this same 
Recollect chronicle which show how the modern political bitter- 
ness of spirit had crept into the accounts of Philippine history 
emanating from the religious orders.- James A. LeRoy (in a 
private letter). 

P. 349, line 3 : The volume-number should be " i," not " iW 
The same correction should be made on p. 370, last line. 

P. 368, line 6: For "brothers" read "sisters." 


P. 104, line 8 from end: After "taken." add "[Madrid, 
March 15, 1638.]" 


P. 54, note, lines 6-8 from end: It is only fair to the Duke 
de Almodovar to explain the reasons for his treatment of RaynaFs 
work; they are thus given by Jose Arias y Miranda, in his 
Examen crttico-historico del in flu jo que tuvo en el comercioy 
industria y poblacion de Espaha su dominacion en America ("a 
work crowned by the Real Academia de la Historia, and pub- 
lished by that body, at Madrid, 1854"), an interesting and well- 
written study of that subject, with learned and valuable annota- 
tions and much reference to standard authorities : " In regard 
to the famous history of Abbe Raynal, although it abounds in 
flights of imagination, in philosophical ideas, and in passionate 
and declamatory judgments, it has merited general acceptance on 
account of the information it contains and the notable indications 
of penetration and genius which are revealed in it. But it was 
not possible for the Duke de Almodovar to make it known to his 
countrymen without variations and emendations, since it was one 
of the works included in the Indexes of the Holy Office; he 
therefore contrived to present it as a work imitated rather than 
produced, without daring to mention even once the name of the 
author, or to print his own on the title page, substituting for the 
latter the anagram of * Malo de Luque.' This recasting was 
very skilfully done; he suppressed what could not be published, 
and added information and very judicious reflections upon com- 
merce in general and on that of our [Spanish] possessions. Al- 
though this history belongs properly to our literature, since it 
is not a translation, it has never been reprinted since the first 
edition, copies of which are now becoming rare." 

P. 229, note, line 2 from end : The phrase " grant of feudal 
rights " is in Spanish la dominacion a Caballeria de Tierra. Much 
of the old feudalism still remained at that time, preeminently in 
connection with the military orders; there are many laws re- 
garding these in the Autos acordados, and some of them extend 


well into the seventeenth century. Apparently Dasmarinas held 
the village of Binondo as a sort of encomlenda, [it was only the 
land which he purchased from Velada], and had also the feudal 
right to the service of the Chinese and mestizos (over whom he, 
a caballero, was lord), as retainers obliged to serve him on the 
land, but not on sea.- James A. LeRoy (in a private letter). 
Cf. note on caballeria, vol. xlvii, p. 199. 


P. 27, line i: For " Venetia " read " Vicenza;" p. 273, note 
I, line 2, and p. 274, line 11, for "Venice," "Vicenza;" and 
p. 274, line 21 from end, for '' Venetian," " Vicentine." 


P. 160, note 541, line i : For " loony " read " loory^ 


P. 226, note 60: This note is a lapsus calami^ as may be seen 
by the date of the earthquake mentioned therein. 


P. 274, note, line 10 from end : For " fifty-five " read " sixty- 


P. 79, note 41 : Veitia Linage's Norte de contratacion was 
Englished (but with numerous omissions and additions) by Cap- 
tain John Stevens, as Spanish Rule of Trade to the West Indies 
(London, 1702). The navigation, trade, and products of Fili- 
pinas are treated in book ii, chapter xiii. The author was for 
some time commissioner and treasurer of the India House of 
Trade at Sevilla. (Bernard Moses, in Report of American His- 
torical Association, 1894, P- 95-) 

P. 207, line 4 from end : The accent on the final syllable of 
Philippine geographical names ending in " n " is really a Spanish 
variation, in accordance with the rule for pronunciation of such 
names in Spanish. But when these names are (as is usually the 
case) of Filipino origin the rule is - depending, of course, on 
their roots and composition - that they are accented on the penult ; 
e,g.^ Vigan, Narvacan, Iligan, etc. Spanish usage has distorted 
the pronunciation in some cases, until the original accent has 
become Hispanicized, as Cagayan, Pangasinan, etc. ; but as a 
general rule these words are accented on the penult.- James A. 
LeRoy (in a private letter). 

1493-1893] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 349 


P. 33, note 5: Cf. the account given by Forrest {Voyage, 
pp. 201-206) of the history of the rulers of Magindanao, and 
the curious genealogical chart of the sultans of Mindanao and 
Jolo which follows; he obtained his information from Pakir 
Mawlana himself, who took it from the " original records " in 
his possession. The Curay of Concepcion is called Kuddy by 
Forrest, who says that he was the son of Tidoly and grandson 
of Kudarat (Corralat). 

P. 97, line 4 of note: For ''inhabited" read ''uninhabited." 
(When Dampier visited them in 1685 he found most of them 
peopled.) In regard to the Batanes dialect, mentioned near the 
end, it contains strong guttural aspirates, which are distinctive 
of this idiom; the nasal sound alluded to is equally prevalent in 
Ilocano.- William Edmonds, Basco, Batanes Islands, in a pri- 
vate letter. 


P. 55» note: The name Palaos (also written Palau or Pelew) 
is applied to the western group of the Carolinas Archipelago, 
which extends in a general east and west direction from the 
region south of the Marianas. Although nominally the property 
of Spain, these islands were greatly neglected by the Spaniards, 
even into the nineteenth century. Their attention was directed 
for a time to the Palaos by the event described in Clain's letter, 
and various attempts were made, but unsuccessfully, to establish 
Christian missions therein, two Jesuits, Duberon and Jose Cortil, 
being killed by natives in 17 10, and another, Antonio Cantova, 
meeting the same fate in 173 1. In the latter half of the last 
century, German interests gained ascendency in the islands, which 
led to their absorption by Germany. Jagor cites {Reisen, pp. 
215, 216) several historical instances of Palaos islanders being 
carried by storms to the coasts of Filipinas ; and adds, " Later, 
I had in Manila an opportunity to photograph a group of people 
from the Palaos and Caroline Islands, who a year previously 
had been cast by a storm on the coast of Samar." He also says 
(p. 203) : "As Dr. Graffe (who spent many years in the Mi- 
cronesas) informs me, Palaos is an indefinite expression, like 
Kanaka and so many others, and certainly does not designate the 
inhabitants of the Pelew group exclusively." Regarding these 
islands, see Montero y Vidal's Hist, de Filipinas ^ i, pp. 31, 402-409, 
455-473> 2nd his Archipielago filtpinOy pp. 469-505 ; also Miguel's 
Estudio de las Islas Carolinas, and the various bibliographies of 
the Philippines, especially Griffin's List, and Vindel's Catdlogo 
biblioteca filipina. See Karl Semper's Die Palau-Inseln im Stillen 
Ocean (Leipzig, 1873), which Pardo de Tavera praises {Bib- 


Vioteca filipina, p. 402) as " the most Important modern work 
on the Palaos Islands which I know." In the Ethnological 
Museum at Dresden is an important collection of material made 
by Semper. 

P. 313, line 9: Instead of Barcena, this name is written by 
Torrubia {DissertacioUy p. 63) Barrena. 

P. 316, note: Add '^apparently a misprint for Cutay." 


P. 64, line 6: A new tariff of parochial fees was ordained 
(November 19, 1771) by Archbishop Santa Justa; but little 
heed was paid to it by many of the parish priests, who collected 
much more, for all functions, than it prescribed, 

P. 157, lines 4-6 from end: Alluding, it is said, to the noted 
Jewish physician Hasdai. 


P. 47, line 2 of chapter heading: For ^^ religious ^^ read 
" ZamhaUr 

P. 72, line 3: For " Dampier " read ''Cowley?" (See also 
our VOL. XXXIX, p. 115, note.) Note 11: In the Philippine 
Journal of Science (published by the Bureau of Science, Manila), 
for October, 1906, is an interesting paper on " The Non-Chris- 
tian Tribes of Northern Luzon," by Dean C. Worcester, secretary 
of the interior in the government of the islands. He en- 
deavors to furnish a systematic classification of these tribes; re- 
peats the lists made by the Jesuits, Professor Blumentritt, and 
Dr. Barrows, criticizing each of these, and in some respects dif- 
fering from their methods; and then enumerates the separate 
tribes, as classified by himself - giving under each, the synonyms 
of the tribal name, with other names which may be classed under 
this; "its habitat, so far as it is at present known;" and 
description of its people, and of their dress, homes, mode of life, 
occupations, customs, etc. A similar paper on those tribes in 
Southern Luzon is announced for the coming year. For these 
papers Worcester has utilized personal observations made on these 
peoples not only by himself, but by numerous other government 
officials both civil and military, during the years 1 900-06; and 
special information regarding them obtained in the census enumer- 
ation of 1903. He says (p. 802) : " It is not too much to say 
that hardly a rancheria now remains in the Cordillera Central 
and its foothills, except in the district of Apayos, which has not 
been visited by Americans, while even in the latter district twenty- 
nine of the more important rancherias have been visited." The 
above paper contains excellent illustrations made from 208 photo- 

1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 35 ^ 

graphs, taken by Worcester himself or other government officials. 
Other valuable papers announced for the Journal in 1907 are: 
'' The Tagbanua and Mangyan Alphabets," by T. H. Pardo 
de Tavera; "The Subanos of the Zamboangan Peninsula," by 
Edwin B. Christie; and "Primitive Philippine Fire-making Ap- 
paratus," by Dean C. Worcester. 

P. 78, note 13: Worcester recognizes but seven distinct non- 
Christian tribes in northern Luzon: the Negritos, Ilongots (Ibi- 
laos), Kalingas, Ifugaos, Bontoc Igorots, Lepanto-Benguet Igorots, 
and Tinguians. He says of some of these tribal designations 
("Non-Christian Tribes of N. Luzon," p. 804) : " The Altasanes, 
Ifumangies [the same as Jumangi], lleahanes^ and Panuipuyes do 
not exist. In all probability these latter names were taken from 
those of rancheria^ which have long since disappeared. While 
some of the larger rancherias in northern Luzon are very old, 
others are of recent origin and the names and locations of these 
settlements are constantly changing." 

P. 102, line 5 : It gives us pleasure to publish the following 
information furnished by Dr. N. M. Saleeby, the error in the 
text being based on erroneous information : "I beg to inform you 
that Dr. N. M. Saleeby is not a ' native Moro,' nor is he Mo- 
hammedan. I went to Cotabato, Mindanao, in May, 1901, as 
a captain and assistant surgeon U.S.V., and served in that 
capacity until February i, 1903. From the latter date until 
June 30, 1906, I served as superintendent of schools, and member 
of the legislative council for the Moro Province. I am a natural- 
ized American citizen, and was born in a Christian home in 
Lebanon, Syria." He is now connected with the Bureau of 
Science at Manila, Division of Ethnology. 

P. 103, line 6: For " MS." read " book (Sampaloc, 1731)." 

P. 154, end of note: In Report of Philippine Commission 
for 1906, i, pp. 60-62, is an account of the law regulating (for 
the present) the sale and use of opium in the islands - a high- 
license system, adopted on March 8, 1906. 

P. 173, line 3 from end of text: " Serif, or Sherif, is a term 
of dignity bestowed on every supposed descendant of Mahomet " 
(Forrest, Voyage^ p. 285). 


P. 72, note: The Report of the Philippine Commission for 
1906 indicates (pp. 340, 341, 381) gratifying success in the 
operation of the Moro Exchange in the district of Zamboanga, 
which " has led to similar exchanges being established on a small 
scale in the districts of Cotabato and Lanao, and large ones are 
projected in Sulu and the district of Davao." It has " greatly 
stimulated fisheries among the Moros," and " islands which were 


formerly Inhabited by lawless people who were practically pirates 
are now the scenes of peaceful activity on the part of Moro fish- 
ermen." An agreement has been made with the merchants of 
the district to transact all their buying from the natives through 
the exchanges, on a cash basis Instead of barter, etc. The amount 
of sales In the Moro exchanges for the year 1905-06 was 298,481 
pesos (Philippine currency). 

P. 152, line 5: The envoy sent on this occasion, General 
Benito Carrasco Pan y Agua (who was chief notary of the 
cablldo of Manila), WTOte a relation of his embassy and the 
voyage to Slam, w^hlch was published at Manila In 17 19. (VIndel, 
CatdlogOy III, no. 2622.) 

P. 222, note: Patino, who had been prominent in govern- 
mental affairs for nearly twenty years, died In 1736; he was a 
statesman and financier, and advocated peace with all the other 
powers, especially England. 

P. 255, lines 3-5 from end: Up to the beginning of the six- 
teenth century, Toledo was the chief city In Spain In manufac- 
turing silk; It has been estimated that this Industry gave em- 
ployment there to at least 100,000 people. Caspar Naranjo, 
" who traveled through Espana late in the seventeenth century, 
asserts that, according to his knowledge, In 1480 Toledo con- 
sumed 450,000 libras of silk, which could furnish the supply for 
15,000 looms. Although this number w^as greatly lessened when 
the Escorlal was completed, yet from the looms of Toledo pro- 
ceeded the richest silks for church adornments, ribbons, and hang- 
ings. In the year 1651 Toledo still counted 5,000 looms In 
operation, although not all within the city; a little afterward, 
there were not more than two thousand; In 17 14 they were 
reduced to seventy, and finally to none at all. When the rem- 
nants of this manufacture left Toledo, that of Valencia gained 
strength, but never to the extent which might have been If legis- 
lation had permitted It. The Moors had left that of Granada 
In the best condition ; years after the conquest It maintained 
5,000 spinning-wheels, and the kingdom yielded a million libras 
of good silk; but just at this point began the exactions of the 
revenue officials, and likewise, in consequence, the decadence of 
this industry. It w^as declared subject to the payment of alcabala, 
which was a tax of fourteen per cent when once the tenth was 
applied as an ecclesiastical Incom.e; eight maravedis besides were 
charged to it for the Impost called tortil [i,e,, spiral?], and nine 
maravedis more for a municipal tax. When with the increase 
from successive Impositions the management of this revenue be- 
came too complicated, all these duties were combined in one; and 
then it was seen that every libra of silk paid, as its share of the 
taxes, the enormous amount of very nearly fifteen and one-half 
reals. With the Increase in taxes, the production steadily dimin- 

1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 353 

ished; by 1643, that of Granada had decreased from a million 
to one-fourth of that amount, and not long afterward to 80,000, 
and even less. The silk industry, thus burdened, had to compete 
with that of Genoa, whence large shipments of silk goods were 
freely imported into Spanish ports, and sold at lower prices than 
the goods made in Espana; and a mortal blow was dealt to it 
when the exportation of Spanish silks was prohibited, and sumptu- 
ary laws reserved the use of silk fabrics to a few classes. It is 
astonishing that this industry has been able to survive up to the 
present epoch, although it is in a languishing condition. (Arias 
y Miranda, Examen critico-historicoy pp. 154, 155.) 

P. 267, note 78, line 7 from end: For ''p. 278" read "p. 


P. 286, note 87 : The document here mentioned was afterward 
shifted to another place; the reference should be to vol. xlvii, 
p. 119, paragraph i of note, 


P. 53, middle: Regarding the powers, privileges, and duties 
of the viceroys appointed by the crown of Spain, see Moses's 
Spanish Rule in America^ pp. 86-92. 

P. 272, line 3 : A number of MS. songs are in the collection 
of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, some of them scratched on the 
smooth outside of a joint of bamboo. 


P. 213, line 10: For "rice-mills" read "rice-market." 
P. 236, note, line i : Somodevilla, Marques de Ensenada, was 
minister under Felipe V and Fernando VI, and rendered great 
service to his country; he re-created the Spanish navy, and 
strengthened Spanish commerce. He favored the French, and 
tried to unite the Bourbon kings in a close alliance; but in 1754 
he was banished from the court. He promoted agriculture, irri- 
gation, road-building, manufactures, and mining, and made finan- 
cial reforms; and he brought to an end the controversies with 
Rome over the royal patronage. 


P. 63, last sentence: " Throughout the Cordillera Central [of 
Luzon] the rancheria or settlement is the social and political 
unit. In the head-hunting countries rancherias of people of the 
same tribe were constantly at war with each other, and the blood 
feuds between them were handed down from generation to gene- 
ration. As a result, intercourse between these rancherias was 


more or less completely cut off for scores of years. It was un- 
avoidable that differences of dialect should develop under such 
circumstances." (Dean C. Worcester, "Non-Christian Tribes of 
Northern Luzon," in Philippine Journal of Science, October, 
1906, p. 798.) 

PP' I73> i74> note loi : Some of these islanders must have 
remained permanently on the mainland, notwithstanding the 
decree for their return to the islands; for on February 23, 1765, 
Viana recommended that the deputy alcalde-mayor of Cagayan 
be allowed to remove the Babuyan families from Buguey to Duao, 
as the latter was secure from the Moros. Viana advised, how- 
ever, that the Babuyans be not allowed to form barrios or visitas 
far away from the main reduction, and that every arrangement 
>be made to secure their safety from the Moros and from fire. 
(Viana, Respuestas, fol. 91.) 

P. 183, last two lines of text: This company of 1755 was 
formed '* under the patronage of our Lady of the Rosary, and 
the protection of his Majesty;" see the title-page of its Orden- 
anzasy facsimile of which is given in Vindel's Catdlogo biblioteca 
filipinaj no. 645. 

P. 189, note III: The reforms and regulations made by 
Arandia for the Acapulco galleon may be found, in full detail, 
in his Ordenanzas de marina (Manila, 1757) with additions 
thereto, also printed in that year; these contain 164 and 57 pages 
respectively, and two large and handsomely engraved charts (by 
the Filipino engraver Laureano Atlas), showing the port of Sisiran 
in Camarines, and that of Cajayagan and Calomotan ("com- 
monly called Palapa") between the islands of Laguan and Batac. 


Pp. 7, 12, 25: The author of the " Plan of an expedition for 
the conquest of the southern Philippines " was, according to the 
records of the British Museum, Alexander Dalrymple, not Draper. 
The date is given as 1762 in the MS. catalogue of the Museum. 

P. 309, note 185, line 4: For " of " read '' on." 


Pp. 1 18-136: The date of Viana's letter, should be May 10. 

P. 159, line 8 of note 89: Before ''[AmericanaY' for '* white 
suit " read '' white coat." J. A. LeRoy says of this, in a private 
letter: ^^ Americana here means a short or sack coat, of white 
drill or duck, buttoned up to the throat, and worn with only a 
gauze undershirt beneath it, and the trousers (often white also). 
It is the common garb of Europeans and upper-class natives in 







' n 













1 — 1 








































' C^ 









' c?5 














1493-1898] ERRATA AND ADDENDA 357 

the tropics. This usage among Spaniards seems to have died out 
in Spanish America, but the word is common in the Philippines, 
where it is probably a survival from earlier Spanish-American 
usage, transplanted to those islands. Many Spanish writers men- 
tion with contempt the way in which class distinctions in dress 
vanished among Spaniards in the Philippines (save, of course, 
among the military, ecclesiastical, and high official classes). So, 
too, the donning of the Americana meant the assumption of social 
prestige or aspirations by the Filipinos. Only a few years ago, 
nearly all the latter wore the gauze shirt outside of the trousers; 
but in recent years the younger men of education, even in the 
villages, and gradually the older men, have been adopting the 
Americana for ordinary wear -a change which has been greatly 
accelerated during American occupation." 


P. 309, line 12: Through lack of space, we are prevented from 
giving (as, we had intended) an adequate treatment of the subject 
of commerce as a special topic, from the middle of the eighteenth 
century to that of the nineteenth. Much, however, has been 
presented in various documents of vols, l-lii, which throws light 
on commercial conditions; and to these may be added the fol- 
lowing references to documents and authorities which will enable 
the student to find desired material regarding this subject. 
** Regulation of December 18, 1769, for the distribution of per- 
mits [boletas^ and for the lading of the Acapulco galleon at 
Manila,'' in Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), v, pp. 403- 
519. Le Gen til. Voyage^ ii, pp. 192-230. Royal decree for the 
establishment of the Compania de Filipinas, March 10, 1785; 
also decree of July 12, 1803, making new regulations and con- 
ferring new privileges. Dissertation on the benefits arising from 
the aforesaid company, by Valentin de Foronda, in his Misceldnea 
(Madrid, 1787). Malo de Luque [f.^., Duque de Almodovar], 
Historia politica de los establecimiento§ de las naciones europeos; 
tomo V (Madrid, 1790) is devoted to the Spanish settlements 
m Asia, the decree erecting the Compania de Filipinas, and its 
operations during 1785-89. Remonstrance addressed by the Com- 
pany (Madrid, 1821) to the Spanish Cortes against its decree 
of October 19, 1820, abolishing the Company's privilege of the 
exclusive traffic with Asia conferred on it by the decree of 1 803 ; 
this remonstrance is supported by the opinions of " celebrated 
jurisconsults of Spain, France, Holland, and England." Rafael 
Diaz Arenas, Memoria sobre el comercio y navegacion de las Islas 
Filipinas (Cadiz, 1838). Andres Garcia Camba, Reglamento de 
la Junta de Comercio de Manila (Manila, 1838). Comyn, 


Estado, pp. 43-71. Mas, Informe, II, fourth and fifth sections. 
Buzeta and Bravo, Diccionario, i, pp. 219-238. Mallat, Les 
Philippines, li, pp. 290-356. Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, 
Libertad de comercio en las Islas Filipino^ (Madrid, 1871). 
Jagor, Reisen, pp. 312-316. Gregorlo Sanclanco y Goson, El pro- 
greso de Filipinas (Madrid, 1881), especially pp. 238-249. 
Montcro y VIdal, Historia de Filipinas, II and III; also his Archi- 
pielago filipino, pp. 220-259. Retana, articles In Politica de 
Espaha en Filipinas^ 1891, pp. 146-148, 233-234, 245-247; for 
1892, pp. 27, 28; for 1893, pp. 8, 9, 77, 78. Code of Commerce 
in force in Cuba, Porto Rico, and Philippines (Washington, 
1899). Census of Philippine Islands, Iv, pp. 557-585. '* Modern 
development of the Philippines through commerce,'' a series of 
articles by James A. LeRoy In Duns International Review, No- 
vember, 1905-February, 1906. Cf. authorities cited In Bourne's 
** Introduction " to this series (vol. i), and In LeRoy's contribu- 
tion to the present volume; also writings named In the bibliogra- 
phies of Griffin, Pardo de Tavera, Vindel, and Retana. 



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